Evans Experientialism
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| XENOPHON In Eight Parts - Part Eight |
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IV But the next day Seuthes burnt the villages
to the ground; he left not 1 a single
house,
being minded to inspire terror in the
rest
of his enemies, and to show them what
they
also were to expect, if they refused
obedience;
and so he went back again. As to the
booty,
he sent off Heracliedes to Perinthus
to dispose
of it, with a view to future pay for
the
soldiers. But for himself he encamped
with
the Hellenes in the lowland country
of the
Thynians, the natives leaving the flats
and
betaking themselves in flight to the
uplands.
There was deep snow, and cold so intense
that the water brought in for dinner
and
the wine within the jars froze; and
many
of the Hellenes had their noses and
ears
frost-bitten. Now they came to understand
why the Thracians wear fox-skin caps
on their
heads and about their ears; and why,
on the
same principle, they are frocked not
only
about the chest and bust but so as
to cover
the loins and thighs as well; and why
on
horseback they envelop themselves in
long
shawls which reach down to the feet,
instead
of the ordinary short rider's cloak.
Seuthes
sent off some of the prisoners to the
hills
with a message to say that if they
did not
come down to their homes, and live
quietly
and obey him, he would burn down their
villages
and their corn, and leave them 5 to
perish
with hunger. Thereupon down they came,
women
and children and the older men; the
younger
men preferred to quarter themselves
in the
villages on the skirts of the hills.
On discovering
this, Seuthes bade Xenophon take the
youngest
of the heavy infantry and join him
on an
expedition. They rose in the night,
and by
daybreak had reached the villages;
but the
majority of the inhabitants made good
their
escape, for the hills were close at
hand.
Those whom he did catch, Seuthes unsparingly
shot down.
Now there was a certain Olynthian, named
Episthenes; he was a great lover of
boys,
and seeing a handsome lad, just in
the bloom
of youth, and carrying a light shield,
about
to be slain, he ran up to Xenophon
and supplicated
him to rescue the fair youth. Xenophon
went
to Seuthes and begged him not to put
the
boy to death. He explained to him the
disposition
of Episthenes; how he had once enrolled
a
company, the only qualification required
being that of personal beauty; and
with these
handsome young men at his side there
were
none so brave as he. Seuthes put the
question,
"Would you like to die on his
behalf,
Episthenes?" whereat the other
stretched
out his neck, and said, "Strike,
if
the boy bids you, and will thank his
preserver."
Seuthes, turning to the boy, asked,
"Shall
I smite him instead of you?" The
boy
shook his head, imploring him to slay
neither
the one nor the other, whereupon Episthenes
caught the lad in his arms, exclaiming,
"It
is time you did battle with me, Seuthes,
for my boy; never will I yield him
up,"
and Seuthes laughed: "what must
be must,"
and so consented.
In these villages he decided that they must
bivouac, so that the men on the mountains
might be still further deprived of
subsistence.
Stealthily descending he himself found
quarters
in the plain; while Xenophon with his
picked
troops encamped in the highest village
on
the skirts of the hills,; and the rest
of
the Hellenes hard by, among the highland
Thracians[1], as they are called.
[1] Cf. "Highlanders."
After this, not many days had idly slipt
away before the Thracians from the
mountains
came down and wished to arrange with
Seuthes
for 12 terms of truce and hostages.
Simultaneously
came Xenophon and informed Seuthes
that they
were camped in bad quarters, with the
enemy
next door; "it would be pleasanter
too,"
he added, "to bivouac in a strong
position
in the open, than under cover on the
edge
of destruction." The other bade
him
take heart and pointed to some of their
hostages,
as much as to say "Look there!"
Parties also from the mountaineers
came down
and pleaded with Xenophon himself,
to help
arrange a truce for them. This he agreed
to do, bidding them to pluck up heart,
and
assuring them that they would meet
with no
mischief, if they yielded obedience
to Seuthes.
All their parleying, however, was,
as it
turned out, merely to get a closer
inspection
of things. This happened in the day,
and
in the following night the Thynians
descended
from the hill country and made an attack.
In each case, the guide was the master
of
the house attacked; otherwise it would
have
taxed their powers to discover the
houses
in the dark, which, for the sake of
their
flocks and herds, were palisaded all
round
with great stockades. As soon as they
had
reached the doors of any particular
house,
the attack began, some hurling in their
spears,
others belabouring with their clubs,
which
they carried, it was said, for the
purpose
of knocking off the lance points from
the
shaft. Others were busy setting the
place
on fire; and they kept calling Xenophon
by
name: "Come out, Xenophon, and
die like
a man, or we will roast you alive inside."
By this time too the flames were making their
appearance through the roof, and Xenophon
and his followers were within, with
their
coats of mail on, and big shields,
swords,
and helmets. Then Silanus, a Macistian[2],
a youth of some eighteen years, signalled
on the trumpet; and in an instant,
out they
all leapt with their drawn swords,
and the
inmates of other quarters as well.
The Thracians
took to their heels, according to their
custom,
swinging their light shields round
their
backs. As they leapt over the stockade
some
were captured, hanging on the top with
their
shields caught in the palings; others
missed
the way out, and so were slain; and
the Hellenes
chased them hotly, till they were outside
the village.
[2] "Of Macistus," a town in the
Triphylia near Scillus.
A party of Thynians turned back, and as the
men ran past in bold 18 relief against
a
blazing house, they let fly a volley
of javelins,
out of the darkness into the glare,
and wounded
two captains, Hieronymus, an Euodean[3],
and Theogenes, a Locrian. No one was
killed,
only the clothes and baggage of some
of the
men were consumed in the flames. Presently
up came Seuthes to the rescue with
seven
troopers, the first to hand, and his
Thracian
trumpeteer by his side. Seeing that
something
had happened, he hastened to the rescue,
and ever the while his bugler wound
his horn,
which music added terror to the foe.
Arrived
at length, he greeted them with outstretched
hand, exclaiming, "I thought to
find
you all dead men."
[3] If this is the same man as Hieronymus
of Elis, who has been mentioned two
or three
times already, possibly the word {Euodea}
points to some town or district of
Elis;
or perhaps the text is corrupt.
After that, Xenophon begged him to hand over
the hostages to himself, and if so
disposed,
to join him on an expedition to the
hills,
or if not, to let him go alone. Accordingly
the next day Seuthes delivered up the
hostages.
They were men already advanced in years,
but the pick of the mountaineers, as
they
themselves gave out. Not merely did
Seuthes
do this, but he came himself, with
his force
at his back (and by this time he had
treble
his former force, for many of the Odrysians,
hearing of his proceedings, came down
to
join in the campaign); and the Thynians,
espying from the mountains the vast
array
of heavy infantry and light infantry
and
cavalry, rank upon rank, came down
and supplicated
him to make terms. "They were
ready,"
they professed, "to do all that
he demanded;
let him take pledges of their good
faith."
So Seuthes summoned Xenophon and explained
their proposals, adding that he should
make
no terms with them, if Xenophon wished
to
punish them for their night attack.
The latter
replied: "For my part, I should
think
their punishment is great enough already,
if they are to be slaves instead of
free
men; still," he added, "I
advise
you for the future to take as hostages
those
who are most capable of doing mischief,
and
to let the old men abide in peace at
home."
So to a man they gave in their adhesion
in
that quarter of the country.
V
Crossing over in the direction of the Thracians
above Byzantium, they 1 reached the
Delta,
as it is called. Here they were no
longer
in the territory of the Maesades, but
in
the country of Teres the Odrysian [an
ancient
worthy[1]]. Here Heracleides met them
with
the proceeds of the spoil, and Seuthes
picked
out three pairs of mules (there were
only
three, the other teams being oxen);
then
he summoned Xenophon and bade him take
them,
and divide the rest between the generals
and officers, to which Xenophon replied
that
for himself, he was content to receive
his
share another time, but added: "Make
a present of these to my friends here,
the
generals who have served with me, and
to
the officers." So of the pairs
of mules
Timasion the Dardanian received one,
Cleanor
the Orchomenian one, and Phryniscus
the Achaean
one. The teams of oxen were divided
among
the officers. Then Seuthes proceeded
to remit
pay due for the month already passed,
but
all he could give was the equivalent
of twenty
days. Heracleides insisted that this
was
all he had got by his trafficking.
Whereupon
Xenophon with some warmth exclaimed:
"Upon
my word, Heracleides, I do not think
you
care for Seuthes' interest as you should.
If you did, you have been at pains
to bring
back the full amount of the pay, even
if
you had had to raise a loan to do so,
and,
if by no other means, by selling the
coat
off your own back."
[1] See above re previous Teres. The words
"an ancient worthy" may possibly
be an editor's or commentator's note.
What he said annoyed Heracleides, who was
afraid of being ousted from the friendship
of Seuthes, and from that day forward
he
did his best to calumniate Xenophon
before
Seuthes. The soldiers, on their side,
laid
the blame of course on Xenophon: "Where
was their pay?" and Seuthes was
vexed
with him for persistently demanding
it for
them. Up to this date he had frequently
referred
to what he would do when he got to
the seaboard
again; how he intended to hand over
to him
Bisanthe, Ganos, and Neontichos[2].
But from
this time forward he never mentioned
one
of them again. The slanderous tongue
of Heracleides
had whispered him:--it was not safe
to hand
over fortified 8 towns to a man with
a force
at his back.
[2] For Bisanthe see above. Ganos, a little
lower down the coast, with Neontichos
once
belonged to Alcibiades, if we may believe
Cornelius Nepos, "Alc." vii.
4,
and Plutarch, "Alc." c. 36.
See
above.
Consequently Xenophon fell to considering
what he ought to do as regards marching
any
further up the country; and Heracleides
introduced
the other generals to Seuthes, urging
them
to say that they were quite as well
able
to lead the army as Xenophon, and promising
them that within a day or two they
should
have full pay for two months, and he
again
implored them to continue the campaign
with
Seuthes. To which Timasion replied
that for
his part he would continue no campaign
without
Xenophon; not even if they were to
give him
pay for five months; and what Timasion
said,
Phryniscus and Cleanor repeated; the
views
of all three coincided.
Seuthes fell to upbraiding Heracleides in
round terms. "Why had he not invited
Xenophon with the others?" and
presently
they invited him, but by himself alone.
He,
perceiving the knavery of Heracleides,
and
that his object was to calumniate him
with
the other generals, presented himself;
but
at the same time he took care to bring
all
the generals and the officers. After
their
joint consent had been secured, they
continued
the campaign. Keeping the Pontus on
their
right, they passed through the millet-eating[3]
Thracians, as they are called, and
reached
Salmydessus. This is a point at which
many
trading vessels bound for the Black
Sea run
aground and are wrecked, owing to a
sort
of marshy ledge or sandbank which runs
out
for a considerable distance into the
sea[4].
The Thracians, who dwell in these parts,
have set up pillars as boundary marks,
and
each set of them has the pillage of
its own
flotsom and jetsom; for in old days,
before
they set up these landmarks, the wreckers,
it is said, used freely to fall foul
of and
slay one another. Here was a rich treasure
trove, of beds and boxes 14 numberless,
with
a mass of written books, and all the
various
things which mariners carry in their
wooden
chests. Having reduced this district,
they
turned round and went back again. By
this
time the army of Seuthes had grown
to be
considerably larger than the Hellenic
army;
for on the one hand, the Odrysians
flocked
down in still larger numbers, and on
the
other, the tribes which gave in their
adhesion
from time to time were amalgamated
with his
armament. They got into quarters on
the flat
country above Selybria at about three
miles[5]
distance from the sea. As to pay, not
a penny
was as yet forthcoming, and the soldiers
were cruelly disaffected to Xenophon,
whilst
Seuthes, on his side, was no longer
so friendlily
disposed. If Xenophon ever wished to
come
face to face with him, want of leisure
or
some other difficulty always seemed
to present
itself.
[3] Or, "the Melinophagi."
[4] See, for a description of this savage
coast, Aesch. "Prom." vinc. 726, etc.--
"{trakheia pontou Salmudesia gnathos
ekhthroxenos nautaisi, metruia neon.}"
"The rugged Salmudesian jaw of the Black
Sea, Inhospitable to sailors, stepmother
of ships."
But the poet is at fault in his geography,
since he connects "the Salmydesian
jaw"
with the Thermodon.
[5] Lit. "thirty stades." Selybria
is about fourty-four miles from Byzantium,
two-thirds of the way to Perinthus.
VI
At this date, when nearly two months had
already passed, an embassy 1 arrived.
These
were two agents from Thibron--Charminus,
a Lacedaemonian, and Polynicus. They
were
sent to say that the Lacedaemonians
had resolved
to open a campaign against Tissaphernes,
and that Thibron, who had set sail
to conduct
the war, was anxious to avail himself
of
the troops. He could guarantee that
each
soldier should receive a daric a month
as
pay, the officers double pay, and the
generals
quadruple. The Lacedaemonian emissaries
had
no sooner arrived than Heracleides,
having
learnt that they had come in search
of the
Hellenic troops, goes off himself to
Seuthes
and says: "The best thing that
could
have happened; the Lacedaemonians want
these
troops and you have done with them,
so that
if you hand over the troops to them,
you
will do the Lacedaemonians a good turn
and
will cease to be bothered for pay any
more.
The country will be quit of them once
and
for ever."
On hearing this Seuthes bade him introduce
the emissaries. As soon as they had
stated
that the object of their coming was
to treat
for the Hellenic troops, he replied
that
he would willingly give them up, that
his
one desire was to be the friend and
ally
of Lacedaemon. So he invited them to
partake
of hospitality, and entertained them
3 magnificently;
but he did not invite Xenophon, nor
indeed
any of the other generals. Presently
the
Lacedaemonians asked: "What sort
of
man is Xenophon?" and Seuthes
answered:
"Not a bad fellow in most respects;
but he is too much the soldiers' friend;
and that is why it goes ill with him."
They asked: "Does he play the
popular
leader?" and Heracleides answered:
"Exactly
so." "Well then," said
they,
"he will oppose our taking away
the
troops, will he not?" "To
be sure
he will," said Heracleides; "but
you have only to call a meeting of
the whole
body, and promise them pay, and little
further
heed will they pay to him; they will
run
off with you." "How then
are we
to get them collected?" they asked.
"Early to-morrow," said Heracleides,
"we will bring you to them; and
I know,"
he added once more, "as soon as
they
set eyes on you, they will flock to
you with
alacrity." Thus the day ended.
The next day Seuthes and Heracleides brought
the two Laconian agents to the army,
and
the troops were collected, and the
agents
made a statement as follows: "The
Lacedaemonians
have resolved on war with Tissaphernes,
who
did you so much wrong. By going with
us therefore
you will punish your enemy, and each
of you
will get a daric a month, the officers
twice
that sum, and the generals quadruple."
The soldiers lent willing ears, and
up jumped
one of the Arcadians at once, to find
fault
with Xenophon. Seuthes also was hard
by,
wishing to know what was going to happen.
He stood within ear shot, and his interpreter
by his side; not but what he could
understand
most of what was said in Greek himself.
At
this point the Arcadian spoke: "For
the matter of that, Lacedaemonians,
we should
have been by your sides long ago, if
Xenophon
had not persuaded us and brought us
hither.
We have never ceased campaigning, night
and
day, the dismal winter through, but
he reaps
the fruit of our toils. Seuthes has
enriched
him privately, but deprives us of our
honest
earnings; so that, standing here as
I do
to address you first, all I can say
is, that
if I might see the fellow stoned to
death
as a penalty for all the long dance
he has
led us, I 10 should feel I had got
my pay
in full, and no longer grudge the pains
we
have undergone." The speaker was
followed
by another and then another in the
same strain;
and after that Xenophon made the following
speech:--
"True is the old adage; there is nothing
which mortal man may not expect to
see. Here
am I being accused by you to-day, just
where
my conscience tells me that I have
displayed
the greatest zeal on your behalf. Was
I not
actually on my road home when I turned
back?
Not, God knows, because I learned that
you
were in luck's way, but because I heard
that
you were in sore straits, and I wished
to
help you, if in any way I could. I
returned,
and Seuthes yonder sent me messenger
after
messenger, and made me promise upon
promise,
if only I could persuade you to come
to him.
Yet, as you yourselves will bear me
witness,
I was not to be diverted. Instead of
setting
my hand to do that, I simply led you
to a
point from which, with least loss of
time,
I thought you could cross into Asia.
This
I believed was the best thing for you,
and
you I knew desired it.
"But when Aristarchus came with his
ships of war and hindered our passage
across,
you will hardly quarrel with me for
the step
I then took in calling you together
that
we might advisedly consider our best
course.
Having heard both sides--first Aristarchus,
who ordered you to march to the Chersonese,
then Seuthes, who pleaded with you
to undertake
a campaign with himself--you all proposed
to go with Seuthes; and you all gave
your
votes to that effect. What wrong did
I commit
in bringing you, whither you were eager
to
go? If, indeed, since the time when
Seuthes
began to tell lies and cheat us about
the
pay, I have supported him in this,
you may
justly find fault with me and hate
me. But
if I, who at first was most of all
his friend,
to-day am more than any one else at
variance
with him, how can I, who have chosen
you
and rejected Seuthes, in fairness be
blamed
by you for the very thing which has
been
the ground of quarrel between him and
me?
But you will tell me, perhaps, that
I get
from Seuthes what is by right yours,
and
that I deal subtly by you? But is it
not
clear that, if Seuthes has paid me
anything,
he has at any rate not done so with
16 the
intention of losing by what he gives
me,
whilst he is still your debtor? If
he gave
to me, he gave in order that, by a
small
gift to me, he might escape a larger
payment
to yourselves. But if that is what
you really
think has happened, you can render
this whole
scheme of ours null and void in an
instant
by exacting from him the money which
is your
due. It is clear, Seuthes will demand
back
from me whatever I have got from him,
and
he will have all the more right to
do so,
if I have failed to secure for him
what he
bargained for when I took his gifts.
But
indeed, I am far removed from enjoying
what
is yours, and I swear to you by all
the gods
and goddesses that I have not taken
even
what Seuthes promised me in private.
He is
present himself and listening, and
he is
aware in his own heart whether I swear
falsely.
And what will surprise you the more,
I can
swear besides, that I have not received
even
what the other generals have received,
no,
nor yet what some of the officers have
received.
But how so? why have I managed my affairs
no better? I thought, sirs, the more
I helped
him to bear his poverty at the time,
the
more I should make him my friend in
the day
of his power. Whereas, it is just when
I
see the star of his good fortune rising,
that I have come to divine the secret
of
his character.
"Some one may say, are you not ashamed
to be so taken in like a fool? Yes,
I should
be ashamed, if it had been an open
enemy
who had so decieved me. But, to my
mind,
when friend cheats friend, a deeper
stain
attaches to the perpetrator than to
the victim
of deceit. Whatever precaution a man
may
take against his friend, that we took
in
full. We certainly gave him no pretext
for
refusing to pay us what he promised.
We were
perfectly upright in our dealings with
him.
We did not dawdle over his affairs,
nor did
we shrink from any work to which he
challenged
us.
"But you will say, I ought to have taken
security of him at the time, so that
had
he fostered the wish, he might have
lacked
the ability to decieve. To meet that
retort,
I must beg you to listen to certain
things,
which I should never have said in his
presence,
except for your utter want of feeling
towards
me, or your extraordinary ingratitude.
Try
and recall the posture of your affairs,
when
I 24 extricated you and brought you
to Seuthes.
Do you not recollect how at Perinthus
Aristarchus
shut the gates in your faces each time
you
offered to approach the town, and how
you
were driven to camp outside under the
canopy
of heaven? It was midwinter; you were
thrown
upon the resources of a market wherein
few
were the articles offered for sale,
and scanty
the wherewithal to purchase them. Yet
stay
in Thrace you must, for there were
ships
of war riding at anchor in the bay,
ready
to hinder your passage across; and
what did
that stay imply? It meant being in
a hostile
country, confronted by countless cavalry,
legions of light infantry. And what
had we?
A heavy infantry force certainly, with
which
we could have dashed at villages in
a body
possibly, and seized a modicum of food
at
most; but as to pursuing the enemy
with such
a force as ours, or capturing men or
cattle,
the thing was out of the question;
for when
I rejoined you your original cavalry
and
light infantry divisions had disappeared.
In such sore straits you lay!
"Supposing that, without making any
demands for pay whatever, I had merely
won
for you the alliance of Seuthes--whose
cavalry
and light infantry were just what you
needed--would
you not have thought that I had planned
very
well for you? I presume, it was through
your
partnership with him and his that you
were
able to find such complete stores of
corn
in the villages, when the Thracians
were
driven to take to their heels in such
hot
haste, and you had so large a share
of captives
and cattle. Why! from the day on which
his
cavalry force was attached to us, we
never
set eyes on a single foeman in the
field,
though up to that date the enemy with
his
cavalry and his light infantry used
undauntedly
to hang on our heels, and effectually
prevented
us from scattering in small bodies
and reaping
a rich harvest of provisions. But if
he who
partly gave you this security has failed
to pay in full the wages due to you
therefrom,
is not that a terrible misfortune?
So monstrous
indeed that you think I ought not to
go forth
alive[1].
[1] I. e. the fate of a scape-goat is too
good for me.
"But let me ask you, in what condition
do you turn your backs on this 31 land
to-day?
Have you not wintered here in the lap
of
plenty? Whatever you have got from
Seuthes
has been surplus gain. Your enemies
have
had to meet the bill of your expenses,
whilst
you led a merry round of existence,
in which
you have not once set eyes on the dead
body
of a comrade or lost one living man.
Again,
if you have achieved any, (or rather
many)
noble deeds against the Asiatic barbarian,
you have them safe. And in addition
to these
to-day you have won for yourselves
a second
glory. You undertook a campaign against
the
European Thracians, and have mastered
them.
What I say then is, that these very
matters
which you make a ground of quarrel
against
myself, are rather blessings for which
you
ought to show gratitude to heaven.
"Thus far I have confined myself to
your side of the matter. Bear with
me, I
beg you, while we examine mine. When
I first
essayed to part with you and journey
homewards,
I was doubly blest. From your lips
I had
won some praise, and, thanks to you,
I had
obtained glory from the rest of Hellas.
I
was trusted by the Lacedaemonians;
else would
they not have sent me back to you.
Whereas
to-day I turn to go, calumniated before
the
Lacedaemonians by yourselves, detested
in
your behalf by Seuthes, whom I meant
so to
benefit, by help of you, that I should
find
in him a refuge for myself and for
my children,
if children I might have, in after
time.
And you the while, for whose sake I
have
incurred so much hate, the hate of
people
far superior to me in strength, you,
for
whom I have not yet ceased to devise
all
the good I can, entertain such sentiments
about me. Why? I am no renegade or
runaway
slave, you have got hold of. If you
carry
out what you say, be sure you will
have done
to death a man who has passed many
a vigil
in watching over you; who has shared
with
you many a toil and run many a risk
in turn
and out of turn; who, thanks to the
gracious
gods! has by your side set up full
many a
trophy over the barbarian; who, lastly,
has
strained every nerve in his body to
protect
you against yourselves. And so it is,
that
to-day you can move freely, where you
choose,
by sea or by land, and no one can say
you
nay; and you, on 37 whom this large
liberty
dawns, who are sailing to a long desired
goal, who are sought after by the greatest
of military powers, who have pay in
prospect,
and for leaders these Lacedaemonians,
our
acknowledged chiefs: now is the appointed
time, you think, to put me to a speedy
death.
But in the days of our difficulties
it was
very different, O ye men of marvellous
memory!
No! in those days you called me 'father!'
and you promised you would bear me
ever in
mind, 'your benefactor.' Not so, however,
not so ungracious are those who have
come
to you to-day; nor, if I mistake not,
have
you bettered yourselves in their eyes
by
your treatment of me."
With these words he paused, and Charminus
the Lacedaemonian got up and said:
"Nay,
by the Twins, you are wrong, surely,
in your
anger against this man; I myself can
bear
testimony in his favour. When Polynicus
and
I asked Seuthes, what sort of a man
he was?
Seuthes answered:--he had but one fault
to
find with him, that he was too much
the soldiers'
friend, which also was the cause why
things
went wrong with him, whether as regards
us
Lacedaemonians or himself, Seuthes."
Upon that Eurylochus of Lusia, an Arcadian,
got up and said (addressing the two Lacedaemonians), "Yes,
sirs; and what strikes me is that you
cannot
begin your generalship of us better
than
by exacting from Seuthes our pay. Whether
he like it or no, let him pay in full;
and
do not take us away before."
Polycrates the Athenian, who was put forward
by Xenophon, said: "If my eyes
do not
deceive me, sirs, there stands Heracleides,
yonder, the man who received the property
won by our toil, who took and sold
it, and
never gave back either to Seuthes or
to us
the proceeds of the sale, but kept
the money
to himself, like the thief he is. If
we are
wise, we will lay hold of him, for
he is
no Thracian, but a Hellene; and against
Hellenes
is the wrong he has committed."
When Heracleides heard these words, he was
in great consternation; so he came
to Seuthes
and said: "If we are wise we will
get
away from here out of reach of these
fellows."
So they mounted their horses and were
gone
in a trice, galloping to their own
camp.
Subsequently 42 Seuthes sent Abrozelmes,
his private interpreter, to Xenophon,
begging
him to stay behind with one thousand
heavy
tropps; and engaging duly to deliver
to him
the places on the seaboard, and the
other
things which he had promised; and then,
as
a great secret, he told him, that he
had
heard from Polynicus that if he once
got
into the clutches of the Lacedaemonians,
Thibron was certain to put him to death.
Similar messages kept coming to Xenophon
by letter or otherwise from several
quarters,
warning him that he was calumniated,
and
had best be on his guard. Hearing which,
he took two victims and sacrificed
to Zeus
the King: "Whether it were better
and
happier to stay with Seuthes on the
terms
proposed, or depart with the army?"
The answer he received was, "Depart."
VII
After this, Seuthes removed his camp to some
considerable distance; 1 and the Hellenes
took up their quarters in some villages,
selecting those in which they could
best
supply their commissariat, on the road
to
the sea. Now these particular villages
had
been given by Seuthes to Medosades.
Accordingly,
when the latter saw his property in
the villages
being expended by the Hellenes, he
was not
over well pleased; and taking with
him an
Odrysian, a powerful person amongst
those
who had come down from the interior,
and
about thirty mounted troopers, he came
and
challenged Xenophon to come forth from
the
Hellenic host. He, taking some of the
officers
and others of a character to be relied
upon,
came forward. Then Medosades, addressing
Xenophon, said: "You are doing
wrong
to pillage our villages; we give you
fair
warning--I, in behalf of Seuthes, and
this
man by my side, who comes from Medocus,
the
king up country--to begone out of the
land.
If you refuse, understand, we have
no notion
of handing it over to you; but if you
injure
our country we will retaliate upon
you as
foes."
Xenophon, hearing what they had to say, replied:
"Such language addressed to us
by you,
of all people, is hard to answer. Yet
for
the sake of the young man with you,
I will
attempt to do so, that at least he
may learn
how different your nature is from ours.
We,"
he continued, "before we were
your friends,
had the free run of this country, moving
this way or that, as it took our fancy,
pillaging
and 5 burning just as we chose; and
you yourself,
Medosades, whenever you came to us
on an
embassy, camped with us, without apprehension
of any foe. As a tribe collectively
you scarcely
approached the country at all, or if
you
found yourselves in it, you bivouacked
with
your horses bitted and bridled, as
being
in the territory of your superiors.
Presently
you made friends with us, and, thanks
to
us, by God's help you have won this
country,
out of which to-day you seek to drive
us;
a country which we held by our own
strength
and gave to you. No hostile force,
as you
well know, was capable of expelling
us. It
might have been expected of you personally
to speed us on our way with some gift,
in
return for the good we did you. Not
so; even
though our backs are turned to go,
we are
too slow in our movements for you.
You will
not suffer us to take up quarters even,
if
you can help it, and these words arouse
no
shame in you, either before the gods,
or
this Odrysian, in whose eyes to-day
you are
man of means, though until you cultivated
our friendship you lived a robber's
life,
as you have told us. However, why do
you
address yourself to me? I am no longer
in
command. Our generals are the Lacedaemonians,
to whom you and yours delivered the
army
for withdrawal; and that, without even
inviting
me to attend, you most marvellous of
men,
so that if I lost their favour when
I brought
you the troops, I might now win their
gratitude
by restoring them."
As soon as the Odrysian had heard this statement,
he exclaimed: "For my part, Medosades,
I sink under the earth for very shame
at
what I hear. If I had known the truth
before,
I would never have accompanied you.
As it
is, I return at once. Never would King
Medocus
applaud me, if I drove forth his benefactors."
With these words, he mounted his horse
and
rode away, and with him the rest of
his horsemen,
except four or five. But Medosades,
still
vexed by the pillaging of the country,
urged
Xenophon to summon the two Lacedaemonians;
and he, taking the pick of his men,
came
to Charminus and Polynicus and informed
them
that they were summoned by Medosades;
probably
they, like himself, would be warned
to leave
the country; "if so," he
added,
14 "you will be able to recover
the
pay which is owing to the army. You
can say
to them, that the army has requested
you
to assist in exacting their pay from
Seuthes,
whether he like it or not; that they
have
promised, as soon as they get this,
cheerfully
to follow you; that the demand seems
to you
to be only just, and that you have
accordingly
promised not to leave, until the soldiers
have got their dues." The Lacedaemonians
accepted the suggestion: they would
apply
these arguments and others the most
forcible
they could hit upon; and with the proper
representatives of the army, they immediately
set off.
On their arrival Charminus spoke: "If
you have anything to say to us, Medosades,
say it; but if not, we have something
to
say to you." And Medosades submissively
made answer: "I say," said
he,
"and Seuthes says the same: we
think
we have a right to ask that those who
have
become our friends should not be ill-treated
by you; whatever ill you do to them
you really
do to us, for they are a part of us."
"Good!" replied the Lacedaemonians,
"and we intend to go away as soon
as
those who won for you the people and
the
territory in question have got their
pay.
Failing that, we are coming without
further
delay to assist them and to punish
certain
others who have broken their oaths
and done
them wrong. If it should turn out that
you
come under this head, when we come
to exact
justice, we shall begin with you."
Xenophon
added: "Would you prefer, Medosades,
to leave it to these people themselves,
in
whose country we are (your friends,
since
this is the designation you prefer),
to decide
by ballot, which of the two should
leave
the country, you or we?" To that
proposal
he shook his head, but he trusted the
two
Laconians might be induced to go to
Seuthes
about the pay, adding, "Seuthes,
I am
sure, will lend a willing ear;"
or if
they could not go, then he prayed them
to
send Xenophon with himself, promising
to
lend the latter all the aid in his
power,
and finally he begged them not to burn
the
villages. Accordingly they sent Xenophon,
and with him a serviceable staff. Being
arrived,
he addressed Seuthes thus:--
"Seuthes, I am here to advance no claims,
but to show you, if I can, 21 how unjust
it was on your part to be angered with
me
because I zealously demanded of you
on behalf
of the soldiers what you promised them.
According
to my belief, it was no less to your
interest
to deliver it up, than it was to theirs
to
receive it. I cannot forget that, next
to
the gods, it was they who raised you
up to
a conspicuous eminence, when they made
you
king of large territory and many men,
a position
in which you cannot escape notice,
whether
you do good or do evil. For a man so
circumstanced,
I regarded it as a great thing that
he should
avoid the suspicion even of ungrateful
parting
with his benefactors. It was a great
thing,
I thought, that you should be well
spoken
of by six thousand human beings; but
the
greatest thing of all, that you should
in
no wise discredit the sincerity of
your own
word. For what of the man who cannot
be trusted?
I see that the words of his mouth are
but
vain words, powerless, and unhonoured;
but
with him who is seen to regard truth,
the
case is otherwise. He can achieve by
his
words what another achieves by force.
If
he seeks to bring the foolish to their
senses--his
very frown, I perceive, has a more
sobering
effect than the chastisement inflicted
by
another. Or in negotiations the very
promises
of such an one are of equal weight
with the
gifts of another.
"Try and recall to mind in your own
case, what advance of money you made
to us
to purchase our alliance. You know
you did
not advance one penny. It was simply
confidence
in the sincerity of your word which
incited
all these men to assist you in your
campaign,
and so to acquire for you an empire,
worth
many times more than thirty talents,
which
is all they now claim to receive. Here
then,
first of all, goes the credit which
won for
you your kingdom, sold for so mean
a sum.
Let me remind you of the great importance
which you then attached to the acquisition
of your present conquests. I am certain
that
to achieve what stands achieved to-day,
you
would willingly have foregone the gain
of
fifty times that paltry sum. To me
it seems
that to lose your present fortune were
a
more serious loss than never to have
won
it; since surely it is harder to be
poor
after being rich than never to 28 have
tasted
wealth at all, and more painful to
sink to
the level of a subject, being a king,
then
never to have worn a crown.
"You cannot forget that your present
vassals were not persuaded to become
your
subjects out of love for you, but by
sheer
force; and but for some restraining
dread
they would endeavour to be free again
to-morrow.
And how do you propose to stimulate
their
sense of awe, and keep them in good
behaviour
towards you? Shall they see our soldiers
so disposed towards you that a word
on your
part would suffice to keep them now,
or if
necessary would bring them back again
to-morrow?
while others hearing from us a hundred
stories
in your praise, hasten to present themselves
at your desire? Or will you drive them
to
conclude adversely, that through mistrust
of what has happened now, no second
set of
soldiers will come to help you, for
even
these troops of ours are more their
friends
than yours? And indeed it was not because
they fell short of us in numbers that
they
became your subjects, but from lack
of proper
leaders. There is a danger, therefore,
now
lest they should choose as their protectors
some of us who regard ourselves as
wronged
by you, or even better men than us--the
Lacedaemonians
themselves; supposing our soldiers
undertake
to serve with more enthusiasm, if the
debt
you owe to them be first exacted; and
the
Lacedaemonians, who need their services,
consent to this request. It is plain,
at
any rate, that the Thracians, now prostrate
at your feet, would display far more
enthusiasm
in attacking, than in assisting you;
for
your mastery means their slavery, and
your
defeat their liberty.
"Again, the country is now yours, and
from this time forward you have to
make provision
for what is yours; and how will you
best
secure it an immunity from ill? Either
these
soldiers receive their dues and go,
leaving
a legacy of peace behind, or they stay
and
occupy an enemy's country, whilst you
endeavour,
by aid of a still larger army, to open
a
new campaign and turn them out; and
your
new troops will also need provisions.
Or
again, which will be the greater drain
on
your purse? to pay off your present
debt,
or, with that still owing, to bid for
more
troops, and of a better quality?
"Heracleides, as he used to prove to
me, finds the sum excessive. But 35
surely
it is a far less serious thing for
you to
take and pay it back to-day than it
would
have been to pay the tithe of it, before
we came to you; since the limit between
less
and more is no fixed number, but depends
on the relative capacity of payer and
recipient,
and your yearly income now is larger
than
the whole property which you possessed
in
earlier days.
"Well, Seuthes, for myself these remarks
are the expression of friendly forethought
for a friend. They are expressed in
the double
hope that you may show yourself worthy
of
the good things which the gods have
given
you, and that my reputation may not
be ruined
with the army. For I must assure you
that
to-day, if I wished to injure a foe,
I could
not do so with this army. Nor again,
if I
wished to come and help you, should
I be
competent to the task; such is the
disposition
of the troops towards me. And yet I
call
you to witness, along with the gods
who know,
that never have I received anything
from
you on account of the soldiers. Never
to
this day have I, to my private gain,
asked
for what was theirs, nor even claimed
the
promises which were made to myself;
and I
swear to you, not even had you proposed
to
pay me my dues, would I have accepted
them,
unless the soldiers also had been going
to
receive theirs too; how could I? How
shameful
it would have been in me, so to have
secured
my own interests, whilst I disregarded
the
disastrous state of theirs, I being
so honoured
by them. Of course to the mind of Heracleides
this is all silly talk; since the one
great
object is to keep money by whatever
means.
That is not my tenet, Seuthes. I believe
that no fairer or brighter jewel can
be given
to a man, and most of all a prince,
than
the threefold grace of valour, justice,
and
generosity. He that possesses these
is rich
in the multitude of friends which surround
him; rich also in the desire of others
to
be included in their number. While
he prospers,
he is surrounded by those who will
rejoice
with him in his joy; or if misfortune
overtake
him, he has no lack of sympathisers
to give
him help. However, if you have failed
to
learn from my deeds that I was, heart
and
soul, your friend; if my words are
powerless
to reveal the fact to-day, I would
at least
direct your attention to what the 43
soldiers
said; you were standing by and heard
what
those who sought to blame me said.
They accused
me to the Lacedaemonians, and the point
of
their indictment was that I set greater
store
by yourself than by the Lacedaemonians;
but,
as regards themselves, the charge was
that
I took more pains to secure the success
of
your interests than their own. They
suggested
that I had actually taken gifts from
you.
Was it, do you suppose, because they
detected
some ill-will in me towards you that
they
made the allegation? Was it not rather,
that
they had noticed my abundant zeal on
your
behalf?
"All men believe, I think, that a fund
of kindly feeling is due to him from
whom
we accept gifts. But what is your behaviour?
Before I had ministered to you in any
way,
or done you a single service, you welcomed
me kindly with your eyes, your voice,
your
hospitality, and you could not sate
yourself
with promises of all the fine things
that
were to follow. But having once achieved
your object, and become the great man
you
now are, as great indeed as I could
make
you, you can stand by and see me degraded
among my own soldiers! Well, time will
teach
you--that I fully believe--to pay whatever
seems to you right, and even without
the
lessons of that teacher you will hardly
care
to see whose who have spent themselves
in
benefiting you, become your accusers.
Only,
when you do pay your debt, I beg of
you to
use your best endeavour to right me
with
the soldiers. Leave me at least where
you
found me; that is all I ask."
After listening to this appeal, Seuthes called
down curses on him, whose fault it
was, that
the debt had not long ago been paid,
and,
if the general suspicion was correct,
this
was Heracleides. "For myself,"
said Seuthes, "I never had any
idea
of robbing you of your just dues. I
will
repay." Then Xenophon rejoined:
"Since
you are minded to pay, I only ask that
you
will do so through me, and will not
suffer
me on your account to hold a different
position
in the army from what I held when we
joined
you." He replied: "As far
as that
goes, so far from holding a less honoured
position among your own men on my account,
if you will stay with me, keeping only
a
thousand heavy infantry, I will deliver
to
you the fortified places and everything
I
promised." The other answered:
"On
these terms I may not accept them,
only let
us go 51 free." "Nay, but
I know,"
said Seuthes, "that it is safer
for
you to bide with me than to go away."
Then Xenophon again: "For your
forethought
I thank you, but I may not stay. Somewhere
I may rise to honour, and that, be
sure,
shall redound to your gain also."
Thereupon
Seuthes spoke: "Of silver I have
but
little; that little, however, I give
to you,
one talent; but of beeves I can give
you
six hundred head, and of sheep four
thousand,
and of slaves six score. These take,
and
the hostages besides, who wronged you,
and
begone." Xenophon laughed and
said:
"But supposing these all together
do
not amount to the pay; for whom is
the talent,
shall I say? It is a little dangerous
for
myself, is it not? I think I had better
be
on the look-out for stones when I return.
You heard the threats?"
So for the moment he stayed there, but the
next day Seuthes gave up to them what
he
had promised, and sent an escort to
drive
the cattle. The soldiers at first maintained
that Xenophon had gone to take up his
abode
with Seuthes, and to receive what he
had
been promised; so when they saw him
they
were pleased, and ran to meet him.
And Xenophon,
seeing Charminus and Polynicus, said:
"Thanks
to your intervention, this much has
been
saved for the army. My duty is to deliver
this fraction over to your keeping;
do you
divide and distribute it to the soldiers."
Accordingly they took the property
and appointed
official vendors of the booty, and
in the
end incurred considerable blame. Xenophon
held aloof. In fact it was no secret
that
he was making his preparations to return
home, for as yet the vote of banishment
had
not been passed at Athens[1]. But the
authorities
in the camp came to him and begged
him not
to go away until he had conducted the
army
to its destination, and handed it over
to
Thibron.
[1] I. e. "at this moment the vote of
banishment had not been passed which
would
prevent his return to Athens."
The natural
inference from these words is, I think,
that
the vote of banishment was presently
passed,
at any rate considerably earlier than
the
battle of Coronea in B. C. 394, five
years
and a half afterwards.
VIII
From this place they sailed across to Lampsacus,
and here Xenophon was 1 met by Eucleides
the soothsayer, a Phliasian, the son
of Cleagoras,
who painted "the dreams[1]"
in
the Lycium. Eucleides congratulated
Xenophon
upon his safe return, and asked him
how much
gold he had got? and Xenophon had to
confess:
"Upon my word, I shall have barely
enough
to get home, unless I sell my horse,
and
what I have about my person."
The other
could not credit the statement. Now
when
the Lampsacenes sent gifts of hospitaliry
to Xenophon, and he was sacrificing
to Apollo,
he requested the presence of Eucleides;
and
the latter, seeing the victims, said:
"Now
I believe what you said about having
no money.
But I am certain," he continued,
"if
it were ever to come, there is an obstacle
in the way. If nothing else, you are
that
obstacle yourself." Xenophon admitted
the force of that remark. Then the
other:
"Zeus Meilichios[2] is an obstacle
to
you, I am sure," adding in another
tone
of voice, "have you tried sacrificing
to that god, as I was wont to sacrifice
and
offer whole burnt offerings for you
at home?"
Xenophon replied that since he had
been abroad,
he had not sacrificed to that god.
Accordingly
Eucleides counselled him to sacrifice
in
the old customary way: he was sure
that his
fortune would improve. The nexy day
Xenophon
went on to Ophrynium and sacrificed,
offering
a holocaust of swine, after the custom
of
his family, and the signs which he
obtained
were favourable. That very day Bion
and Nausicleides
arrived laden with gifts for the army.
These
two were hospitably entertained by
Xenophon,
and were kind enough to repurchase
the horse
he had sold in Lampsacus for fifty
darics;
suspecting that he had parted with
it out
of need, and hearing that he was fond
of
the beast they restored it to him,
refusing
to be remunerated.
[1] Reading {ta enupnia}, or if {ta entoikhia}
with Hug and others, translate "the
wall-paintings" or the "frescoes."
Others think that a writing, not a
painting,
is referred to.
[2] Zeus Meilichios, or the gentle one. See
Thuc. i. 126. The festival of the Diasia
at Athens was in honour of that god,
or rather
of Zeus under that aspect. Cf. Arist.
"Clouds,"
408.
From that place they marched through the
Troad, and, crossing Mount Ida, arrived
at
Antandrus, and then pushed along the
seaboard
of Mysia to the plain of Thebe[3].
Thence
they made their way through 8 Adramytium
and Certonus[4] by Atarneus, coming
into
the plain of the Caicus, and so reached
Pergamus
in Mysia.
[3] Thebe, a famous ancient town in Mysia,
at the southern foot of Mt. Placius,
which
is often mentioned in Homer ("Il."
i. 366, vi. 397, xxii. 479, ii. 691).
See
"Dict. Geog." s. v. The name
{Thebes
pedion} preserves the site. Cf. above
{Kaustrou
pedion}, and such modern names as "the
Campagna" or "Piano di Sorrento."
[4] The site of Certonus is not ascertained.
Some critics have conjectured that
the name
should be Cytonium, a place between
Mysia
and Lydia; and Hug, who reads {Kutoniou},
omits {odeusantes par 'Atanea}, "they
made their way by Atarneus," as
a gloss.
Here Xenophon was hospitably entertained
at the house of Hellas, the wife of
Gongylus
the Eretrian[5], the mother of Gorgion
and
Gongylus. From her he learnt that Asidates,
a Persian notable, was in the plain.
"If
you take thirty men and go by night,
you
will take him prisoner," she said,
"wife,
children, money, and all; of money
he has
a store;" and to show them the
way to
these treasures, she sent her own cousin
and Daphnagoras, whom she set great
store
by. So then Xenophon, with these two
to assist,
did sacrifice; and Basias, an Eleian,
the
soothsayer in attendance, said that
the victims
were as promising as could be, and
the great
man would be an easy prey. Accordingly,
after
dinner he set off, taking with him
the officers
who had been hs staunchest friends
and confidants
throughout; as he wished to do them
a good
turn. A number of others came thrusting
themselves
on their company, to the number of
six hundred,
but the officers repelled them: "They
had no notion of sharing their portion
of
the spoil," they said, "just
as
though the property lay already at
their
feet."
[5] Cf. Thuc. i. 128; also "Hell."
III. i. 6.
Ahout midnight they arrived. The slaves occupying
the precincts of the tower, with the
mass
of goods and chattles, slipped through
their
fingers, their sole anxiety being to
capture
Asidates and his belongings. So they
brought
their batteries to bear, but failing
to take
the tower by assault (since it was
high and
solid, and well supplied with ramparts,
besides
having a large body of warlike defenders),
they endeavoured to undermine it. The
wall
was eight clay bricks thick, but by
daybreak
the passage was effected and the wall
undermined.
At the first cleam of light through
the aperture,
one of 14 the defendants inside, with
a large
ox-spit, smote right through the thigh
of
the man nearest the hole, and the rest
discharged
their arrows so hotly that it was dangerous
to come anywhere near the passage;
and what
with their shouting and kindling of
beacon
fires, a relief party at length arrived,
consisting of Itabelius at the head
of his
force, and a body of Assyrian heavy
infantry
from Comania, and some Hyrcanian cavalry[6],
the latter also being mercenaries of
the
king. There were eighty of them, and
another
detachment of light troops, about eight
hundred,
and more from Parthenium, and more
again
from Apollonia and the neighbouring
places,
also cavalry.
[6] The Hyrcanian cavalry play an important
part in the "Cyropaedeia."
They
are the Scirites of the Assyrian army
who
came over to Cyrus after the first
battle.
Their country is the fertile land touching
the south-eastern corner of the Caspian.
Cf. "Cyrop." IV. ii. 8, where
the
author (or an editor) appends a note
on the
present status of the Hyrcanians.
It was now high time to consider how they
were to beat a retreat. So seizing
all the
cattle and sheep to be had, with the
slaves,
they put them within a hollow square
and
proceed to drive them off. Not that
they
had a thought to give to the spoils
now,
but for precaution's sake and for fear
lest
if they left the goods and chattels
behind
and made off, the retreat would rapidly
degenerate
into a stampede, the enemy growing
bolder
as the troops lost heart. For the present
then they retired as if they meant
to do
battle for the spoils. As soon as Gongylus
espied how few the Hellenes were and
how
large the attacking party, out he came
himself,
in spite of his mother, with his private
force, wishing to share in the action.
Another
too joined in the rescue--Procles,
from Halisarna
and Teuthrania, a descendant of Damaratus.
By this time Xenophon and his men were
being
sore pressed by the arrows and slingstones,
though they marched in a curve so as
to keep
their shields facing the missles, and
even
so, barely crossed the river Carcasus,
nearly
half of them wounded. Here it was that
Agasias
the Stymphalian, the captain, received
his
wound, while keeping up a steady unflagging
fight against the enemy from beginning
to
end. And so they reached home in safety
with
about two hundred captives, and sheep
enough
for sacrifices.
The next day Xenophon sacrificed and led
out the whole army under the 20 cover
of
night, intending to pierce far into
the heart
of Lydia with a view to lulling to
sleep
the enemy's alarm at his proxmity,
and so
in fact to put him off his guard. But
Asidates,
hearing that Xenophon had again sacrificed
with the intention of another attack,
and
was approaching with his whole army,
left
his tower and took up quarters in some
villages
lying under the town of Parthenium.
Here
Xenophon's party fell in with him,
and took
him prisoner, with his wife, his children,
his horses, and all that he had; and
so the
promise of the earlier victims was
literally
fulfilled. After that they returned
again
to Pergamus, and here Xenophon might
well
thank God with a warm heart, for the
Laconians,
the officers, the other generals, and
the
soldiers as a body united to give him
the
pick of horses and cattle teams, and
the
rest; so that he was now in a position
himself
to do another a good turn.
Meanwhile Thibron arrived and received the
troops which he incorporated with the
rest
of his Hellenic forces, and so proceeded
to prosecute a war against Tissaphernes
and
Pharnabazus[7].
[7] The MSS. add: "The following is
a list of the governors of the several
territories
of the king which were traversed by
us during
the expedition: Artimas, governor of
Lydia;
Artacamas, of Phrygia; Mithridates,
of Lycaonia
and Cappadocia; Syennesis, of Cilicia;
Dernes,
of Phoenicia and Arabia; Belesys, of
Syria
and Assyria; Rhoparas, of Babylon;
Arbacus,
of Media; Tiribazus, of the Phasians
and
Hesperites. Then some independent tribes--the
Carduchians or Kurds, and Chalybes,
and Chaldaeans,
and Macrones, and Colchians, and Mossynoecians,
and Coetians, and Tibarenians. Then
Corylas,
the governor of Paphlagonia; Pharnabazus,
of the Bithynians; Seuthes, of the
European
Thracians. The entire journey, ascent
and
descent, consisted of two hundred and
fifteen
stages = one thousand one hundred and
fifty-five
parasangs = thirty-four thousand six
hundred
and fifty stades. Computed in time,
the length
of ascent and descent together amounted
to
one year and three months." The
annotator
apparently computes the distance from
Ephesus
to Cotyora. |
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