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The History of the Peloponnesian War
By Thucydides
Translated by Richard Crawley
The Fifth Book.
CHAPTER XV.
Tenth Year of the War - Death of Cleon and
Brasidas - Peace of Nicias
THE next summer the truce for a year ended,
after lasting until the Pythian games. During
the armistice the Athenians expelled the
Delians from Delos, concluding that they
must have been polluted by some old offence
at the time of their consecration, and that
this had been the omission in the previous
purification of the island, which, as I have
related, had been thought to have been duly
accomplished by the removal of the graves
of the dead. The Delians had Atramyttium
in Asia given them by Pharnaces, and settled
there as they removed from Delos. Meanwhile
Cleon prevailed on the Athenians to let him
set sail at the expiration of the armistice
for the towns in the direction of Thrace
with twelve hundred heavy infantry and three
hundred horse from Athens, a large force
of the allies, and thirty ships. First touching
at the still besieged Scione, and taking
some heavy infantry from the army there,
he next sailed into Cophos, a harbour in
the territory of Torone, which is not far
from the town. From thence, having learnt
from deserters that Brasidas was not in Torone,
and that its garrison was not strong enough
to give him battle, he advanced with his
army against the town, sending ten ships
to sail round into the harbour. He first
came to the fortification lately thrown up
in front of the town by Brasidas in order
to take in the suburb, to do which he had
pulled down part of the original wall and
made it all one city. To this point Pasitelidas,
the Lacedaemonian commander, with such garrison
as there was in the place, hurried to repel
the Athenian assault; but finding himself
hard pressed, and seeing the ships that had
been sent round sailing into the harbour,
Pasitelidas began to be afraid that they
might get up to the city before its defenders
were there and, the fortification being also
carried, he might be taken prisoner, and
so abandoned the outwork and ran into the
town. But the Athenians from the ships had
already taken Torone, and their land forces
following at his heels burst in with him
with a rush over the part of the old wall
that had been pulled down, killing some of
the Peloponnesians and Toronaeans in the
melee, and making prisoners of the rest,
and Pasitelidas their commander amongst them.
Brasidas meanwhile had advanced to relieve
Torone, and had only about four miles more
to go when he heard of its fall on the road,
and turned back again. Cleon and the Athenians
set up two trophies, one by the harbour,
the other by the fortification and, making
slaves of the wives and children of the Toronaeans,
sent the men with the Peloponnesians and
any Chalcidians that were there, to the number
of seven hundred, to Athens; whence, however,
they all came home afterwards, the Peloponnesians
on the conclusion of peace, and the rest
by being exchanged against other prisoners
with the Olynthians. About the same time
Panactum, a fortress on the Athenian border,
was taken by treachery by the Boeotians.
Meanwhile Cleon, after placing a garrison
in Torone, weighed anchor and sailed around
Athos on his way to Amphipolis. About the
same time Phaeax, son of Erasistratus, set
sail with two colleagues as ambassador from
Athens to Italy and Sicily. The Leontines,
upon the departure of the Athenians from
Sicily after the pacification, had placed
a number of new citizens upon the roll, and
the commons had a design for redividing the
land; but the upper classes, aware of their
intention, called in the Syracusans and expelled
the commons. These last were scattered in
various directions; but the upper classes
came to an agreement with the Syracusans,
abandoned and laid waste their city, and
went and lived at Syracuse, where they were
made citizens. Afterwards some of them were
dissatisfied, and leaving Syracuse occupied
Phocaeae, a quarter of the town of Leontini,
and Bricinniae, a strong place in the Leontine
country, and being there joined by most of
the exiled commons carried on war from the
fortifications. The Athenians hearing this,
sent Phaeax to see if they could not by some
means so convince their allies there and
the rest of the Sicilians of the ambitious
designs of Syracuse as to induce them to
form a general coalition against her, and
thus save the commons of Leontini. Arrived
in Sicily, Phaeax succeeded at Camarina and
Agrigentum, but meeting with a repulse at
Gela did not go on to the rest, as he saw
that he should not succeed with them, but
returned through the country of the Sicels
to Catana, and after visiting Bricinniae
as he passed, and encouraging its inhabitants,
sailed back to Athens. During his voyage
along the coast to and from Sicily, he treated
with some cities in Italy on the subject
of friendship with Athens, and also fell
in with some Locrian settlers exiled from
Messina, who had been sent thither when the
Locrians were called in by one of the factions
that divided Messina after the pacification
of Sicily, and Messina came for a time into
the hands of the Locrians. These being met
by Phaeax on their return home received no
injury at his hands, as the Locrians had
agreed with him for a treaty with Athens.
They were the only people of the allies who,
when the reconciliation between the Sicilians
took place, had not made peace with her;
nor indeed would they have done so now, if
they had not been pressed by a war with the
Hipponians and Medmaeans who lived on their
border, and were colonists of theirs. Phaeax
meanwhile proceeded on his voyage, and at
length arrived at Athens. Cleon, whom we
left on his voyage from Torone to Amphipolis,
made Eion his base, and after an unsuccessful
assault upon the Andrian colony of Stagirus,
took Galepsus, a colony of Thasos, by storm.
He now sent envoys to Perdiccas to command
his attendance with an army, as provided
by the alliance; and others to Thrace, to
Polles, king of the Odomantians, who was
to bring as many Thracian mercenaries as
possible; and himself remained inactive in
Eion, awaiting their arrival. Informed of
this, Brasidas on his part took up a position
of observation upon Cerdylium, a place situated
in the Argilian country on high ground across
the river, not far from Amphipolis, and commanding
a view on all sides, and thus made it impossible
for Cleon's army to move without his seeing
it; for he fully expected that Cleon, despising
the scanty numbers of his opponent, would
march against Amphipolis with the force that
he had got with him. At the same time Brasidas
made his preparations, calling to his standard
fifteen hundred Thracian mercenaries and
all the Edonians, horse and targeteers; he
also had a thousand Myrcinian and Chalcidian
targeteers, besides those in Amphipolis,
and a force of heavy infantry numbering altogether
about two thousand, and three hundred Hellenic
horse. Fifteen hundred of these he had with
him upon Cerdylium; the rest were stationed
with Clearidas in Amphipolis. After remaining
quiet for some time, Cleon was at length
obliged to do as Brasidas expected. His soldiers,
tired of their inactivity, began also seriously
to reflect on the weakness and incompetence
of their commander, and the skill and valour
that would be opposed to him, and on their
own original unwillingness to accompany him.
These murmurs coming to the ears of Cleon,
he resolved not to disgust the army by keeping
it in the same place, and broke up his camp
and advanced. The temper of the general was
what it had been at Pylos, his success on
that occasion having given him confidence
in his capacity. He never dreamed of any
one coming out to fight him, but said that
he was rather going up to view the place;
and if he waited for his reinforcements,
it was not in order to make victory secure
in case he should be compelled to engage,
but to be enabled to surround and storm the
city. He accordingly came and posted his
army upon a strong hill in front of Amphipolis,
and proceeded to examine the lake formed
by the Strymon, and how the town lay on the
side of Thrace. He thought to retire at pleasure
without fighting, as there was no one to
be seen upon the wall or coming out of the
gates, all of which were shut. Indeed, it
seemed a mistake not to have brought down
engines with him; he could then have taken
the town, there being no one to defend it.
As soon as Brasidas saw the Athenians in
motion he descended himself from Cerdylium
and entered Amphipolis. He did not venture
to go out in regular order against the Athenians:
he mistrusted his strength, and thought it
inadequate to the attempt; not in numbers-
these were not so unequal- but in quality,
the flower of the Athenian army being in
the field, with the best of the Lemnians
and Imbrians. He therefore prepared to assail
them by stratagem. By showing the enemy the
number of his troops, and the shifts which
he had been put to to to arm them, he thought
that he should have less chance of beating
him than by not letting him have a sight
of them, and thus learn how good a right
he had to despise them. He accordingly picked
out a hundred and fifty heavy infantry and,
putting the rest under Clearidas, determined
to attack suddenly before the Athenians retired;
thinking that he should not have again such
a chance of catching them alone, if their
reinforcements were once allowed to come
up; and so calling all his soldiers together
in order to encourage them and explain his
intention, spoke as follows: "Peloponnesians,
the character of the country from which we
have come, one which has always owed its
freedom to valour, and the fact that you
are Dorians and the enemy you are about to
fight Ionians, whom you are accustomed to
beat, are things that do not need further
comment. But the plan of attack that I propose
to pursue, this it is as well to explain,
in order that the fact of our adventuring
with a part instead of with the whole of
our forces may not damp your courage by the
apparent disadvantage at which it places
you. I imagine it is the poor opinion that
he has of us, and the fact that he has no
idea of any one coming out to engage him,
that has made the enemy march up to the place
and carelessly look about him as he is doing,
without noticing us. But the most successful
soldier will always be the man who most happily
detects a blunder like this, and who carefully
consulting his own means makes his attack
not so much by open and regular approaches,
as by seizing the opportunity of the moment;
and these stratagems, which do the greatest
service to our friends by most completely
deceiving our enemies, have the most brilliant
name in war. Therefore, while their careless
confidence continues, and they are still
thinking, as in my judgment they are now
doing, more of retreat than of maintaining
their position, while their spirit is slack
and not high-strung with expectation, I with
the men under my command will, if possible,
take them by surprise and fall with a run
upon their centre; and do you, Clearidas,
afterwards, when you see me already upon
them, and, as is likely, dealing terror among
them, take with you the Amphipolitans, and
the rest of the allies, and suddenly open
the gates and dash at them, and hasten to
engage as quickly as you can. That is our
best chance of establishing a panic among
them, as a fresh assailant has always more
terrors for an enemy than the one he is immediately
engaged with. Show yourself a brave man,
as a Spartan should; and do you, allies,
follow him like men, and remember that zeal,
honour, and obedience mark the good soldier,
and that this day will make you either free
men and allies of Lacedaemon, or slaves of
Athens; even if you escape without personal
loss of liberty or life, your bondage will
be on harsher terms than before, and you
will also hinder the liberation of the rest
of the Hellenes. No cowardice then on your
part, seeing the greatness of the issues
at stake, and I will show that what I preach
to others I can practise myself." After
this brief speech Brasidas himself prepared
for the sally, and placed the rest with Clearidas
at the Thracian gates to support him as had
been agreed. Meanwhile he had been seen coming
down from Cerdylium and then in the city,
which is overlooked from the outside, sacrificing
near the temple of Athene; in short, all
his movements had been observed, and word
was brought to Cleon, who had at the moment
gone on to look about him, that the whole
of the enemy's force could be seen in the
town, and that the feet of horses and men
in great numbers were visible under the gates,
as if a sally were intended. Upon hearing
this he went up to look, and having done
so, being unwilling to venture upon the decisive
step of a battle before his reinforcements
came up, and fancying that he would have
time to retire, bid the retreat be sounded
and sent orders to the men to effect it by
moving on the left wing in the direction
of Eion, which was indeed the only way practicable.
This however not being quick enough for him,
he joined the retreat in person and made
the right wing wheel round, thus turning
its unarmed side to the enemy. It was then
that Brasidas, seeing the Athenian force
in motion and his opportunity come, said
to the men with him and the rest: "Those
fellows will never stand before us, one can
see that by the way their spears and heads
are going. Troops which do as they do seldom
stand a charge. Quick, someone, and open
the gates I spoke of, and let us be out and
at them with no fears for the result."
Accordingly issuing out by the palisade gate
and by the first in the long wall then existing,
he ran at the top of his speed along the
straight road, where the trophy now stands
as you go by the steepest part of the hill,
and fell upon and routed the centre of the
Athenians, panic-stricken by their own disorder
and astounded at his audacity. At the same
moment Clearidas in execution of his orders
issued out from the Thracian gates to support
him, and also attacked the enemy. The result
was that the Athenians, suddenly and unexpectedly
attacked on both sides, fell into confusion;
and their left towards Eion, which had already
got on some distance, at once broke and fled.
Just as it was in full retreat and Brasidas
was passing on to attack the right, he received
a wound; but his fall was not perceived by
the Athenians, as he was taken up by those
near him and carried off the field. The Athenian
right made a better stand, and though Cleon,
who from the first had no thought of fighting,
at once fled and was overtaken and slain
by a Myrcinian targeteer, his infantry forming
in close order upon the hill twice or thrice
repulsed the attacks of Clearidas, and did
not finally give way until they were surrounded
and routed by the missiles of the Myrcinian
and Chalcidian horse and the targeteers.
Thus the Athenian army was all now in flight;
and such as escaped being killed in the battle,
or by the Chalcidian horse and the targeteers,
dispersed among the hills, and with difficulty
made their way to Eion. The men who had taken
up and rescued Brasidas, brought him into
the town with the breath still in him: he
lived to hear of the victory of his troops,
and not long after expired. The rest of the
army returning with Clearidas from the pursuit
stripped the dead and set up a trophy. After
this all the allies attended in arms and
buried Brasidas at the public expense in
the city, in front of what is now the marketplace,
and the Amphipolitans, having enclosed his
tomb, ever afterwards sacrifice to him as
a hero and have given to him the honour of
games and annual offerings. They constituted
him the founder of their colony, and pulled
down the Hagnonic erections, and obliterated
everything that could be interpreted as a
memorial of his having founded the place;
for they considered that Brasidas had been
their preserver, and courting as they did
the alliance of Lacedaemon for fear of Athens,
in their present hostile relations with the
latter they could no longer with the same
advantage or satisfaction pay Hagnon his
honours. They also gave the Athenians back
their dead. About six hundred of the latter
had fallen and only seven of the enemy, owing
to there having been no regular engagement,
but the affair of accident and panic that
I have described. After taking up their dead
the Athenians sailed off home, while Clearidas
and his troops remained to arrange matters
at Amphipolis. About the same time three
Lacedaemonians- Ramphias, Autocharidas, and
Epicydidas- led a reinforcement of nine hundred
heavy infantry to the towns in the direction
of Thrace, and arriving at Heraclea in Trachis
reformed matters there as seemed good to
them. While they delayed there, this battle
took place and so the summer ended. With
the beginning of the winter following, Ramphias
and his companions penetrated as far as Pierium
in Thessaly; but as the Thessalians opposed
their further advance, and Brasidas whom
they came to reinforce was dead, they turned
back home, thinking that the moment had gone
by, the Athenians being defeated and gone,
and themselves not equal to the execution
of Brasidas's designs. The main cause however
of their return was because they knew that
when they set out Lacedaemonian opinion was
really in favour of peace. Indeed it so happened
that directly after the battle of Amphipolis
and the retreat of Ramphias from Thessaly,
both sides ceased to prosecute the war and
turned their attention to peace. Athens had
suffered severely at Delium, and again shortly
afterwards at Amphipolis, and had no longer
that confidence in her strength which had
made her before refuse to treat, in the belief
of ultimate victory which her success at
the moment had inspired; besides, she was
afraid of her allies being tempted by her
reverses to rebel more generally, and repented
having let go the splendid opportunity for
peace which the affair of Pylos had offered.
Lacedaemon, on the other hand, found the
event of the war to falsify her notion that
a few years would suffice for the overthrow
of the power of the Athenians by the devastation
of their land. She had suffered on the island
a disaster hitherto unknown at Sparta; she
saw her country plundered from Pylos and
Cythera; the Helots were deserting, and she
was in constant apprehension that those who
remained in Peloponnese would rely upon those
outside and take advantage of the situation
to renew their old attempts at revolution.
Besides this, as chance would have it, her
thirty years' truce with the Argives was
upon the point of expiring; and they refused
to renew it unless Cynuria were restored
to them; so that it seemed impossible to
fight Argos and Athens at once. She also
suspected some of the cities in Peloponnese
of intending to go over to the endeed was
indeed the case. These considerations made
both sides disposed for an accommodation;
the Lacedaemonians being probably the most
eager, as they ardently desired to recover
the men taken upon the island, the Spartans
among whom belonged to the first families
and were accordingly related to the governing
body in Lacedaemon. Negotiations had been
begun directly after their capture, but the
Athenians in their hour of triumph would
not consent to any reasonable terms; though
after their defeat at Delium, Lacedaemon,
knowing that they would be now more inclined
to listen, at once concluded the armistice
for a year, during which they were to confer
together and see if a longer period could
not be agreed upon. Now, however, after the
Athenian defeat at Amphipolis, and the death
of Cleon and Brasidas, who had been the two
principal opponents of peace on either side-
the latter from the success and honour which
war gave him, the former because he thought
that, if tranquillity were restored, his
crimes would be more open to detection and
his slanders less credited- the foremost
candidates for power in either city, Pleistoanax,
son of Pausanias, king of Lacedaemon, and
Nicias, son of Niceratus, the most fortunate
general of his time, each desired peace more
ardently than ever. Nicias, while still happy
and honoured, wished to secure his good fortune,
to obtain a present release from trouble
for himself and his countrymen, and hand
down to posterity a name as an ever-successful
statesman, and thought the way to do this
was to keep out of danger and commit himself
as little as possible to fortune, and that
peace alone made this keeping out of danger
possible. Pleistoanax, again, was assailed
by his enemies for his restoration, and regularly
held up by them to the prejudice of his countrymen,
upon every reverse that befell them, as though
his unjust restoration were the cause; the
accusation being that he and his brother
Aristocles had bribed the prophetess of Delphi
to tell the Lacedaemonian deputations which
successively arrived at the temple to bring
home the seed of the demigod son of Zeus
from abroad, else they would have to plough
with a silver share. In this way, it was
insisted, in time he had induced the Lacedaemonians
in the nineteenth year of his exile to Lycaeum
(whither he had gone when banished on suspicion
of having been bribed to retreat from Attica,
and had built half his house within the consecrated
precinct of Zeus for fear of the Lacedaemonians),
to restore him with the same dances and sacrifices
with which they had instituted their kings
upon the first settlement of Lacedaemon.
The smart of this accusation, and the reflection
that in peace no disaster could occur, and
that when Lacedaemon had recovered her men
there would be nothing for his enemies to
take hold of (whereas, while war lasted,
the highest station must always bear the
scandal of everything that went wrong), made
him ardently desire a settlement. Accordingly
this winter was employed in conferences;
and as spring rapidly approached, the Lacedaemonians
sent round orders to the cities to prepare
for a fortified occupation of Attica, and
held this as a sword over the heads of the
Athenians to induce them to listen to their
overtures; and at last, after many claims
had been urged on either side at the conferences
a peace was agreed on upon the following
basis. Each party was to restore its conquests,
but Athens was to keep Nisaea; her demand
for Plataea being met by the Thebans asserting
that they had acquired the place not by force
or treachery, but by the voluntary adhesion
upon agreement of its citizens; and the same,
according to the Athenian account, being
the history of her acquisition of Nisaea.
This arranged, the Lacedaemonians summoned
their allies, and all voting for peace except
the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians,
who did not approve of these proceedings,
they concluded the treaty and made peace,
each of the contracting parties swearing
to the following articles: The Athenians
and Lacedaemonians and their allies made
a treaty, and swore to it, city by city,
as follows; 1. Touching the national temples,
there shall be a free passage by land and
by sea to all who wish it, to sacrifice,
travel, consult, and attend the oracle or
games, according to the customs of their
countries. 2. The temple and shrine of Apollo
at Delphi and the Delphians shall be governed
by their own laws, taxed by their own state,
and judged by their own judges, the land
and the people, according to the custom of
their country. 3. The treaty shall be binding
for fifty years upon the Athenians and the
allies of the Athenians, and upon the Lacedaemonians
and the allies of the Lacedaemonians, without
fraud or hurt by land or by sea. 4. It shall
not be lawful to take up arms, with intent
to do hurt, either for the Lacedaemonians
and their allies against the Athenians and
their allies, or for the Athenians and their
allies against the Lacedaemonians and their
allies, in any way or means whatsoever. But
should any difference arise between them
they are to have recourse to law and oaths,
according as may be agreed between the parties.
5. The Lacedaemonians and their allies shall
give back Amphipolis to the Athenians. Nevertheless,
in the case of cities given up by the Lacedaemonians
to the Athenians, the inhabitants shall be
allowed to go where they please and to take
their property with them: and the cities
shall be independent, paying only the tribute
of Aristides. And it shall not be lawful
for the Athenians or their allies to carry
on war against them after the treaty has
been concluded, so long as the tribute is
paid. The cities referred to are Argilus,
Stagirus, Acanthus, Scolus, Olynthus, and
Spartolus. These cities shall be neutral,
allies neither of the Lacedaemonians nor
of the Athenians: but if the cities consent,
it shall be lawful for the Athenians to make
them their allies, provided always that the
cities wish it. The Mecybernaeans, Sanaeans,
and Singaeans shall inhabit their own cities,
as also the Olynthians and Acanthians: but
the Lacedaemonians and their allies shall
give back Panactum to the Athenians. 6. The
Athenians shall give back Coryphasium, Cythera,
Methana, Pteleum, and Atalanta to the Lacedaemonians,
and also all Lacedaemonians that are in the
prison at Athens or elsewhere in the Athenian
dominions, and shall let go the Peloponnesians
besieged in Scione, and all others in Scione
that are allies of the Lacedaemonians, and
all whom Brasidas sent in there, and any
others of the allies of the Lacedaemonians
that may be in the prison at Athens or elsewhere
in the Athenian dominions. 7. The Lacedaemonians
and their allies shall in like manner give
back any of the Athenians or their allies
that they may have in their hands. 8. In
the case of Scione, Torone, and Sermylium,
and any other cities that the Athenians may
have, the Athenians may adopt such measures
as they please. 9. The Athenians shall take
an oath to the Lacedaemonians and their allies,
city by city. Every man shall swear by the
most binding oath of his country, seventeen
from each city. The oath shall be as follows;
"I will abide by this agreement and
treaty honestly and without deceit."
In the same way an oath shall be taken by
the Lacedaemonians and their allies to the
Athenians: and the oath shall be renewed
annually by both parties. Pillars shall be
erected at Olympia, Pythia, the Isthmus,
at Athens in the Acropolis, and at Lacedaemon
in the temple at Amyclae. 10. If anything
be forgotten, whatever it be, and on whatever
point, it shall be consistent with their
oath for both parties, the Athenians and
Lacedaemonians, to alter it, according to
their discretion. The treaty begins from
the ephoralty of Pleistolas in Lacedaemon,
on the 27th day of the month of Artemisium,
and from the archonship, of Alcaeus at Athens,
on the 25th day of the month of Elaphebolion.
Those who took the oath and poured the libations
for the Lacedaemonians were Pleistoanax,
Agis, Pleistolas, Damagetis, Chionis, Metagenes,
Acanthus, Daithus, Ischagoras, Philocharidas,
Zeuxidas, Antippus, Tellis, Alcinadas, Empedias,
Menas, and Laphilus: for the Athenians, Lampon,
Isthmonicus, Nicias, Laches, Euthydemus,
Procles, Pythodorus, Hagnon, Myrtilus, Thrasycles,
Theagenes, Aristocrates, Iolcius, Timocrates,
Leon, Lamachus, and Demosthenes. This treaty
was made in the spring, just at the end of
winter, directly after the city festival
of Dionysus, just ten years, with the difference
of a few days, from the first invasion of
Attica and the commencement of this war.
This must be calculated by the seasons rather
than by trusting to the enumeration of the
names of the several magistrates or offices
of honour that are used to mark past events.
Accuracy is impossible where an event may
have occurred in the beginning, or middle,
or at any period in their tenure of office.
But by computing by summers and winters,
the method adopted in this history, it will
be found that, each of these amounting to
half a year, there were ten summers and as
many winters contained in this first war.
Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians, to whose lot
it fell to begin the work of restitution,
immediately set free all the prisoners of
war in their possession, and sent Ischagoras,
Menas, and Philocharidas as envoys to the
towns in the direction of Thrace, to order
Clearidas to hand over Amphipolis to the
Athenians, and the rest of their allies each
to accept the treaty as it affected them.
They, however, did not like its terms, and
refused to accept it; Clearidas also, willing
to oblige the Chalcidians, would not hand
over the town, averring his inability to
do so against their will. Meanwhile he hastened
in person to Lacedaemon with envoys from
the place, to defend his disobedience against
the possible accusations of Ischagoras and
his companions, and also to see whether it
was too late for the agreement to be altered;
and on finding the Lacedaemonians were bound,
quickly set out back again with instructions
from them to hand over the place, if possible,
or at all events to bring out the Peloponnesians
that were in it. The allies happened to be
present in person at Lacedaemon, and those
who had not accepted the treaty were now
asked by the Lacedaemonians to adopt it.
This, however, they refused to do, for the
same reasons as before, unless a fairer one
than the present were agreed upon; and remaining
firm in their determination were dismissed
by the Lacedaemonians, who now decided on
forming an alliance with the Athenians, thinking
that Argos, who had refused the application
of Ampelidas and Lichas for a renewal of
the treaty, would without Athens be no longer
formidable, and that the rest of the Peloponnese
would be most likely to keep quiet, if the
coveted alliance of Athens were shut against
them. Accordingly, after conference with
the Athenian ambassadors, an alliance was
agreed upon and oaths were exchanged, upon
the terms following: 1. The Lacedaemonians
shall be allies of the Athenians for fifty
years. 2. Should any enemy invade the territory
of Lacedaemon and injure the Lacedaemonians,
the Athenians shall help in such way as they
most effectively can, according to their
power. But if the invader be gone after plundering
the country, that city shall be the enemy
of Lacedaemon and Athens, and shall be chastised
by both, and one shall not make peace without
the other. This to be honestly, loyally,
and without fraud. 3. Should any enemy invade
the territory of Athens and injure the Athenians,
the Lacedaemonians shall help them in such
way as they most effectively can, according
to their power. But if the invader be gone
after plundering the country, that city shall
be the enemy of Lacedaemon and Athens, and
shall be chastised by both, and one shall
not make peace without the other. This to
be honestly, loyally, and without fraud.
4. Should the slave population rise, the
Athenians shall help the Lacedaemonians with
all their might, according to their power.
5. This treaty shall be sworn to by the same
persons on either side that swore to the
other. It shall be renewed annually by the
Lacedaemonians going to Athens for the Dionysia,
and the Athenians to Lacedaemon for the Hyacinthia,
and a pillar shall be set up by either party:
at Lacedaemon near the statue of Apollo at
Amyclae, and at Athens on the Acropolis near
the statue of Athene. Should the Lacedaemonians
and Athenians see to add to or take away
from the alliance in any particular, it shall
be consistent with their oaths for both parties
to do so, according to their discretion.
Those who took the oath for the Lacedaemonians
were Pleistoanax, Agis, Pleistolas, Damagetus,
Chionis, Metagenes, Acanthus, Daithus, Ischagoras,
Philocharidas, Zeuxidas, Antippus, Alcinadas,
Tellis, Empedias, Menas, and Laphilus; for
the Athenians, Lampon, Isthmionicus, Laches,
Nicias, Euthydemus, Procles, Pythodorus,
Hagnon, Myrtilus, Thrasycles, Theagenes,
Aristocrates, Iolcius, Timocrates, Leon,
Lamachus, and Demosthenes. This alliance
was made not long after the treaty; and the
Athenians gave back the men from the island
to the Lacedaemonians, and the summer of
the eleventh year began. This completes the
history of the first war, which occupied
the whole of the ten years previously. CHAPTER
XVI. Feeling against Sparta in Peloponnese
- League of the Mantineans, Eleans, Argives,
and Athenians - Battle of Mantinea and breaking
up of the League AFTER the treaty and the
alliance between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians,
concluded after the ten years' war, in the
ephorate of Pleistolas at Lacedaemon, and
the archonship of Alcaeus at Athens, the
states which had accepted them were at peace;
but the Corinthians and some of the cities
in Peloponnese trying to disturb the settlement,
a fresh agitation was instantly commenced
by the allies against Lacedaemon. Further,
the Lacedaemonians, as time went on, became
suspected by the Athenians through their
not performing some of the provisions in
the treaty; and though for six years and
ten months they abstained from invasion of
each other's territory, yet abroad an unstable
armistice did not prevent either party doing
the other the most effectual injury, until
they were finally obliged to break the treaty
made after the ten years' war and to have
recourse to open hostilities. The history
of this period has been also written by the
same Thucydides, an Athenian, in the chronological
order of events by summers and winters, to
the time when the Lacedaemonians and their
allies put an end to the Athenian empire,
and took the Long Walls and Piraeus. The
war had then lasted for twenty-seven years
in all. Only a mistaken judgment can object
to including the interval of treaty in the
war. Looked at by the light of facts it cannot,
it will be found, be rationally considered
a state of peace, where neither party either
gave or got back all that they had agreed,
apart from the violations of it which occurred
on both sides in the Mantinean and Epidaurian
wars and other instances, and the fact that
the allies in the direction of Thrace were
in as open hostility as ever, while the Boeotians
had only a truce renewed every ten days.
So that the first ten years' war, the treacherous
armistice that followed it, and the subsequent
war will, calculating by the seasons, be
found to make up the number of years which
I have mentioned, with the difference of
a few days, and to afford an instance of
faith in oracles being for once justified
by the event. I certainly all along remember
from the beginning to the end of the war
its being commonly declared that it would
last thrice nine years. I lived through the
whole of it, being of an age to comprehend
events, and giving my attention to them in
order to know the exact truth about them.
It was also my fate to be an exile from my
country for twenty years after my command
at Amphipolis; and being present with both
parties, and more especially with the Peloponnesians
by reason of my exile, I had leisure to observe
affairs somewhat particularly. I will accordingly
now relate the differences that arose after
the ten years' war, the breach of the treaty,
and the hostilities that followed. After
the conclusion of the fifty years' truce
and of the subsequent alliance, the embassies
from Peloponnese which had been summoned
for this business returned from Lacedaemon.
The rest went straight home, but the Corinthians
first turned aside to Argos and opened negotiations
with some of the men in office there, pointing
out that Lacedaemon could have no good end
in view, but only the subjugation of Peloponnese,
or she would never have entered into treaty
and alliance with the once detested Athenians,
and that the duty of consulting for the safety
of Peloponnese had now fallen upon Argos,
who should immediately pass a decree inviting
any Hellenic state that chose, such state
being independent and accustomed to meet
fellow powers upon the fair and equal ground
of law and justice, to make a defensive alliance
with the Argives; appointing a few individuals
with plenipotentiary powers, instead of making
the people the medium of negotiation, in
order that, in the case of an applicant being
rejected, the fact of his overtures might
not be made public. They said that many would
come over from hatred of the Lacedaemonians.
After this explanation of their views, the
Corinthians returned home. The persons with
whom they had communicated reported the proposal
to their government and people, and the Argives
passed the decree and chose twelve men to
negotiate an alliance for any Hellenic state
that wished it, except Athens and Lacedaemon,
neither of which should be able to join without
reference to the Argive people. Argos came
into the plan the more readily because she
saw that war with Lacedaemon was inevitable,
the truce being on the point of expiring;
and also because she hoped to gain the supremacy
of Peloponnese. For at this time Lacedaemon
had sunk very low in public estimation because
of her disasters, while the Argives were
in a most flourishing condition, having taken
no part in the Attic war, but having on the
contrary profited largely by their neutrality.
The Argives accordingly prepared to receive
into alliance any of the Hellenes that desired
it. The Mantineans and their allies were
the first to come over through fear of the
Lacedaemonians. Having taken advantage of
the war against Athens to reduce a large
part of Arcadia into subjection, they thought
that Lacedaemon would not leave them undisturbed
in their conquests, now that she had leisure
to interfere, and consequently gladly turned
to a powerful city like Argos, the historical
enemy of the Lacedaemonians, and a sister
democracy. Upon the defection of Mantinea,
the rest of Peloponnese at once began to
agitate the propriety of following her example,
conceiving that the Mantineans not have changed
sides without good reason; besides which
they were angry with Lacedaemon among other
reasons for having inserted in the treaty
with Athens that it should be consistent
with their oaths for both parties, Lacedaemonians
and Athenians, to add to or take away from
it according to their discretion. It was
this clause that was the real origin of the
panic in Peloponnese, by exciting suspicions
of a Lacedaemonian and Athenian combination
against their liberties: any alteration should
properly have been made conditional upon
the consent of the whole body of the allies.
With these apprehensions there was a very
general desire in each state to place itself
in alliance with Argos. In the meantime the
Lacedaemonians perceiving the agitation going
on in Peloponnese, and that Corinth was the
author of it and was herself about to enter
into alliance with the Argives, sent ambassadors
thither in the hope of preventing what was
in contemplation. They accused her of having
brought it all about, and told her that she
could not desert Lacedaemon and become the
ally of Argos, without adding violation of
her oaths to the crime which she had already
committed in not accepting the treaty with
Athens, when it had been expressly agreed
that the decision of the majority of the
allies should be binding, unless the gods
or heroes stood in the way. Corinth in her
answer, delivered before those of her allies
who had like her refused to accept the treaty,
and whom she had previously invited to attend,
refrained from openly stating the injuries
she complained of, such as the non-recovery
of Sollium or Anactorium from the Athenians,
or any other point in which she thought she
had been prejudiced, but took shelter under
the pretext that she could not give up her
Thracian allies, to whom her separate individual
security had been given, when they first
rebelled with Potidaea, as well as upon subsequent
occasions. She denied, therefore, that she
committed any violation of her oaths to the
allies in not entering into the treaty with
Athens; having sworn upon the faith of the
gods to her Thracian friends, she could not
honestly give them up. Besides, the expression
was, "unless the gods or heroes stand
in the way." Now here, as it appeared
to her, the gods stood in the way. This was
what she said on the subject of her former
oaths. As to the Argive alliance, she would
confer with her friends and do whatever was
right. The Lacedaemonian envoys returning
home, some Argive ambassadors who happened
to be in Corinth pressed her to conclude
the alliance without further delay, but were
told to attend at the next congress to be
held at Corinth. Immediately afterwards an
Elean embassy arrived, and first making an
alliance with Corinth went on from thence
to Argos, according to their instructions,
and became allies of the Argives, their country
being just then at enmity with Lacedaemon
and Lepreum. Some time back there had been
a war between the Lepreans and some of the
Arcadians; and the Eleans being called in
by the former with the offer of half their
lands, had put an end to the war, and leaving
the land in the hands of its Leprean occupiers
had imposed upon them the tribute of a talent
to the Olympian Zeus. Till the Attic war
this tribute was paid by the Lepreans, who
then took the war as an excuse for no longer
doing so, and upon the Eleans using force
appealed to Lacedaemon. The case was thus
submitted to her arbitrament; but the Eleans,
suspecting the fairness of the tribunal,
renounced the reference and laid waste the
Leprean territory. The Lacedaemonians nevertheless
decided that the Lepreans were independent
and the Eleans aggressors, and as the latter
did not abide by the arbitration, sent a
garrison of heavy infantry into Lepreum.
Upon this the Eleans, holding that Lacedaemon
had received one of their rebel subjects,
put forward the convention providing that
each confederate should come out of the Attic
war in possession of what he had when he
went into it, and considering that justice
had not been done them went over to the Argives,
and now made the alliance through their ambassadors,
who had been instructed for that purpose.
Immediately after them the Corinthians and
the Thracian Chalcidians became allies of
Argos. Meanwhile the Boeotians and Megarians,
who acted together, remained quiet, being
left to do as they pleased by Lacedaemon,
and thinking that the Argive democracy would
not suit so well with their aristocratic
government as the Lacedaemonian constitution.
About the same time in this summer Athens
succeeded in reducing Scione, put the adult
males to death, and, making slaves of the
women and children, gave the land for the
Plataeans to live in. She also brought back
the Delians to Delos, moved by her misfortunes
in the field and by the commands of the god
at Delphi. Meanwhile the Phocians and Locrians
commenced hostilities. The Corinthians and
Argives, being now in alliance, went to Tegea
to bring about its defection from Lacedaemon,
seeing that, if so considerable a state could
be persuaded to join, all Peloponnese would
be with them. But when the Tegeans said that
they would do nothing against Lacedaemon,
the hitherto zealous Corinthians relaxed
their activity, and began to fear that none
of the rest would now come over. Still they
went to the Boeotians and tried to persuade
them to alliance and a common action generally
with Argos and themselves, and also begged
them to go with them to Athens and obtain
for them a ten days' truce similar to that
made between the Athenians and Boeotians
not long after the fifty years' treaty, and,
in the event of the Athenians refusing, to
throw up the armistice, and not make any
truce in future without Corinth. These were
the requests of the Corinthians. The Boeotians
stopped them on the subject of the Argive
alliance, but went with them to Athens, where
however they failed to obtain the ten days'
truce; the Athenian answer being that the
Corinthians had truce already, as being allies
of Lacedaemon. Nevertheless the Boeotians
did not throw up their ten days' truce, in
spite of the prayers and reproaches of the
Corinthians for their breach of faith; and
these last had to content themselves with
a de facto armistice with Athens. The same
summer the Lacedaemonians marched into Arcadia
with their whole levy under Pleistoanax,
son of Pausanias, king of Lacedaemon, against
the Parrhasians, who were subjects of Mantinea,
and a faction of whom had invited their aid.
They also meant to demolish, if possible,
the fort of Cypsela which the Mantineans
had built and garrisoned in the Parrhasian
territory, to annoy the district of Sciritis
in Laconia. The Lacedaemonians accordingly
laid waste the Parrhasian country, and the
Mantineans, placing their town in the hands
of an Argive garrison, addressed themselves
to the defence of their confederacy, but
being unable to save Cypsela or the Parrhasian
towns went back to Mantinea. Meanwhile the
Lacedaemonians made the Parrhasians independent,
razed the fortress, and returned home. The
same summer the soldiers from Thrace who
had gone out with Brasidas came back, having
been brought from thence after the treaty
by Clearidas; and the Lacedaemonians decreed
that the Helots who had fought with Brasidas
should be free and allowed to live where
they liked, and not long afterwards settled
them with the Neodamodes at Lepreum, which
is situated on the Laconian and Elean border;
Lacedaemon being at this time at enmity with
Elis. Those however of the Spartans who had
been taken prisoners on the island and had
surrendered their arms might, it was feared,
suppose that they were to be subjected to
some degradation in consequence of their
misfortune, and so make some attempt at revolution,
if left in possession of their franchise.
These were therefore at once disfranchised,
although some of them were in office at the
time, and thus placed under a disability
to take office, or buy and sell anything.
After some time, however, the franchise was
restored to them. The same summer the Dians
took Thyssus, a town on Acte by Athos in
alliance with Athens. During the whole of
this summer intercourse between the Athenians
and Peloponnesians continued, although each
party began to suspect the other directly
after the treaty, because of the places specified
in it not being restored. Lacedaemon, to
whose lot it had fallen to begin by restoring
Amphipolis and the other towns, had not done
so. She had equally failed to get the treaty
accepted by her Thracian allies, or by the
Boeotians or the Corinthians; although she
was continually promising to unite with Athens
in compelling their compliance, if it were
longer refused. She also kept fixing a time
at which those who still refused to come
in were to be declared enemies to both parties,
but took care not to bind herself by any
written agreement. Meanwhile the Athenians,
seeing none of these professions performed
in fact, began to suspect the honesty of
her intentions, and consequently not only
refused to comply with her demands for Pylos,
but also repented having given up the prisoners
from the island, and kept tight hold of the
other places, until Lacedaemon's part of
the treaty should be fulfilled. Lacedaemon,
on the other hand, said she had done what
she could, having given up the Athenian prisoners
of war in her possession, evacuated Thrace,
and performed everything else in her power.
Amphipolis it was out of her ability to restore;
but she would endeavour to bring the Boeotians
and Corinthians into the treaty, to recover
Panactum, and send home all the Athenian
prisoners of war in Boeotia. Meanwhile she
required that Pylos should be restored, or
at all events that the Messenians and Helots
should be withdrawn, as her troops had been
from Thrace, and the place garrisoned, if
necessary, by the Athenians themselves. After
a number of different conferences held during
the summer, she succeeded in persuading Athens
to withdraw from Pylos the Messenians and
the rest of the Helots and deserters from
Laconia, who were accordingly settled by
her at Cranii in Cephallenia. Thus during
this summer there was peace and intercourse
between the two peoples. Next winter, however,
the ephors under whom the treaty had been
made were no longer in office, and some of
their successors were directly opposed to
it. Embassies now arrived from the Lacedaemonian
confederacy, and the Athenians, Boeotians,
and Corinthians also presented themselves
at Lacedaemon, and after much discussion
and no agreement between them, separated
for their several homes; when Cleobulus and
Xenares, the two ephors who were the most
anxious to break off the treaty, took advantage
of this opportunity to communicate privately
with the Boeotians and Corinthians, and,
advising them to act as much as possible
together, instructed the former first to
enter into alliance with Argos, and then
try and bring themselves and the Argives
into alliance with Lacedaemon. The Boeotians
would so be least likely to be compelled
to come into the Attic treaty; and the Lacedaemonians
would prefer gaining the friendship and alliance
of Argos even at the price of the hostility
of Athens and the rupture of the treaty.
The Boeotians knew that an honourable friendship
with Argos had been long the desire of Lacedaemon;
for the Lacedaemonians believed that this
would considerably facilitate the conduct
of the war outside Peloponnese. Meanwhile
they begged the Boeotians to place Panactum
in her hands in order that she might, if
possible, obtain Pylos in exchange for it,
and so be more in a position to resume hostilities
with Athens. After receiving these instructions
for their governments from Xenares and Cleobulus
and their friends at Lacedaemon, the Boeotians
and Corinthians departed. On their way home
they were joined by two persons high in office
at Argos, who had waited for them on the
road, and who now sounded them upon the possibility
of the Boeotians joining the Corinthians,
Eleans, and Mantineans in becoming the allies
of Argos, in the idea that if this could
be effected they would be able, thus united,
to make peace or war as they pleased either
against Lacedaemon or any other power. The
Boeotian envoys were were pleased at thus
hearing themselves accidentally asked to
do what their friends at Lacedaemon had told
them; and the two Argives perceiving that
their proposal was agreeable, departed with
a promise to send ambassadors to the Boeotians.
On their arrival the Boeotians reported to
the Boeotarchs what had been said to them
at Lacedaemon and also by the Argives who
had met them, and the Boeotarchs, pleased
with the idea, embraced it with the more
eagerness from the lucky coincidence of Argos
soliciting the very thing wanted by their
friends at Lacedaemon. Shortly afterwards
ambassadors appeared from Argos with the
proposals indicated; and the Boeotarchs approved
of the terms and dismissed the ambassadors
with a promise to send envoys to Argos to
negotiate the alliance. In the meantime it
was decided by the Boeotarchs, the Corinthians,
the Megarians, and the envoys from Thrace
first to interchange oaths together to give
help to each other whenever it was required
and not to make war or peace except in common;
after which the Boeotians and Megarians,
who acted together, should make the alliance
with Argos. But before the oaths were taken
the Boeotarchs communicated these proposals
to the four councils of the Boeotians, in
whom the supreme power resides, and advised
them to interchange oaths with all such cities
as should be willing to enter into a defensive
league with the Boeotians. But the members
of the Boeotian councils refused their assent
to the proposal, being afraid of offending
Lacedaemon by entering into a league with
the deserter Corinth; the Boeotarchs not
having acquainted them with what had passed
at Lacedaemon and with the advice given by
Cleobulus and Xenares and the Boeotian partisans
there, namely, that they should become allies
of Corinth and Argos as a preliminary to
a junction with Lacedaemon; fancying that,
even if they should say nothing about this,
the councils would not vote against what
had been decided and advised by the Boeotarchs.
This difficulty arising, the Corinthians
and the envoys from Thrace departed without
anything having been concluded; and the Boeotarchs,
who had previously intended after carrying
this to try and effect the alliance with
Argos, now omitted to bring the Argive question
before the councils, or to send to Argos
the envoys whom they had promised; and a
general coldness and delay ensued in the
matter. In this same winter Mecyberna was
assaulted and taken by the Olynthians, having
an Athenian garrison inside it. All this
while negotiations had been going on between
the Athenians and Lacedaemonians about the
conquests still retained by each, and Lacedaemon,
hoping that if Athens were to get back Panactum
from the Boeotians she might herself recover
Pylos, now sent an embassy to the Boeotians,
and begged them to place Panactum and their
Athenian prisoners in her hands, in order
that she might exchange them for Pylos. This
the Boeotians refused to do, unless Lacedaemon
made a separate alliance with them as she
had done with Athens. Lacedaemon knew that
this would be a breach of faith to Athens,
as it had been agreed that neither of them
should make peace or war without the other;
yet wishing to obtain Panactum which she
hoped to exchange for Pylos, and the party
who pressed for the dissolution of the treaty
strongly affecting the Boeotian connection,
she at length concluded the alliance just
as winter gave way to spring; and Panactum
was instantly razed. And so the eleventh
year of the war ended. In the first days
of the summer following, the Argives, seeing
that the promised ambassadors from Boeotia
did not arrive, and that Panactum was being
demolished, and that a separate alliance
had been concluded between the Boeotians
and Lacedaemonians, began to be afraid that
Argos might be left alone, and all the confederacy
go over to Lacedaemon. They fancied that
the Boeotians had been persuaded by the Lacedaemonians
to raze Panactum and to enter into the treaty
with the Athenians, and that Athens was privy
to this arrangement, and even her alliance,
therefore, no longer open to them- a resource
which they had always counted upon, by reason
of the dissensions existing, in the event
of the noncontinuance of their treaty with
Lacedaemon. In this strait the Argives, afraid
that, as the result of refusing to renew
the treaty with Lacedaemon and of aspiring
to the supremacy in Peloponnese, they would
have the Lacedaemonians, Tegeans, Boeotians,
and Athenians on their hands all at once,
now hastily sent off Eustrophus and Aeson,
who seemed the persons most likely to be
acceptable, as envoys to Lacedaemon, with
the view of making as good a treaty as they
could with the Lacedaemonians, upon such
terms as could be got, and being left in
peace. Having reached Lacedaemon, their ambassadors
proceeded to negotiate the terms of the proposed
treaty. What the Argives first demanded was
that they might be allowed to refer to the
arbitration of some state or private person
the question of the Cynurian land, a piece
of frontier territory about which they have
always been disputing, and which contains
the towns of Thyrea and Anthene, and is occupied
by the Lacedaemonians. The Lacedaemonians
at first said that they could not allow this
point to be discussed, but were ready to
conclude upon the old terms. Eventually,
however, the Argive ambassadors succeeded
in obtaining from them this concession: For
the present there was to be a truce for fifty
years, but it should be competent for either
party, there being neither plague nor war
in Lacedaemon or Argos, to give a formal
challenge and decide the question of this
territory by battle, as on a former occasion,
when both sides claimed the victory; pursuit
not being allowed beyond the frontier of
Argos or Lacedaemon. The Lacedaemonians at
first thought this mere folly; but at last,
anxious at any cost to have the friendship
of Argos they agreed to the terms demanded,
and reduced them to writing. However, before
any of this should become binding, the ambassadors
were to return to Argos and communicate with
their people and, in the event of their approval,
to come at the feast of the Hyacinthia and
take the oaths. The envoys returned accordingly.
In the meantime, while the Argives were engaged
in these negotiations, the Lacedaemonian
ambassadors- Andromedes, Phaedimus, and Antimenidas-
who were to receive the prisoners from the
Boeotians and restore them and Panactum to
the Athenians, found that the Boeotians had
themselves razed Panactum, upon the plea
that oaths had been anciently exchanged between
their people and the Athenians, after a dispute
on the subject to the effect that neither
should inhabit the place, but that they should
graze it in common. As for the Athenian prisoners
of war in the hands of the Boeotians, these
were delivered over to Andromedes and his
colleagues, and by them conveyed to Athens
and given back. The envoys at the same time
announced the razing of Panactum, which to
them seemed as good as its restitution, as
it would no longer lodge an enemy of Athens.
This announcement was received with great
indignation by the Athenians, who thought
that the Lacedaemonians had played them false,
both in the matter of the demolition of Panactum,
which ought to have been restored to them
standing, and in having, as they now heard,
made a separate alliance with the Boeotians,
in spite of their previous promise to join
Athens in compelling the adhesion of those
who refused to accede to the treaty. The
Athenians also considered the other points
in which Lacedaemon had failed in her compact,
and thinking that they had been overreached,
gave an angry answer to the ambassadors and
sent them away. The breach between the Lacedaemonians
and Athenians having gone thus far, the party
at Athens, also, who wished to cancel the
treaty, immediately put themselves in motion.
Foremost amongst these was Alcibiades, son
of Clinias, a man yet young in years for
any other Hellenic city, but distinguished
by the splendour of his ancestry. Alcibiades
thought the Argive alliance really preferable,
not that personal pique had not also a great
deal to do with his opposition; he being
offended with the Lacedaemonians for having
negotiated the treaty through Nicias and
Laches, and having overlooked him on account
of his youth, and also for not having shown
him the respect due to the ancient connection
of his family with them as their proxeni,
which, renounced by his grandfather, he had
lately himself thought to renew by his attentions
to their prisoners taken in the island. Being
thus, as he thought, slighted on all hands,
he had in the first instance spoken against
the treaty, saying that the Lacedaemonians
were not to be trusted, but that they only
treated, in order to be enabled by this means
to crush Argos, and afterwards to attack
Athens alone; and now, immediately upon the
above occurring, he sent privately to the
Argives, telling them to come as quickly
as possible to Athens, accompanied by the
Mantineans and Eleans, with proposals of
alliance; as the moment was propitious and
he himself would do all he could to help
them. Upon receiving this message and discovering
that the Athenians, far from being privy
to the Boeotian alliance, were involved in
a serious quarrel with the Lacedaemonians,
the Argives paid no further attention to
the embassy which they had just sent to Lacedaemon
on the subject of the treaty, and began to
incline rather towards the Athenians, reflecting
that, in the event of war, they would thus
have on their side a city that was not only
an ancient ally of Argos, but a sister democracy
and very powerful at sea. They accordingly
at once sent ambassadors to Athens to treat
for an alliance, accompanied by others from
Elis and Mantinea. At the same time arrived
in haste from Lacedaemon an embassy consisting
of persons reputed well disposed towards
the Athenians- Philocharidas, Leon, and Endius-
for fear that the Athenians in their irritation
might conclude alliance with the Argives,
and also to ask back Pylos in exchange for
Panactum, and in defence of the alliance
with the Boeotians to plead that it had not
been made to hurt the Athenians. Upon the
envoys speaking in the senate upon these
points, and stating that they had come with
full powers to settle all others at issue
between them, Alcibiades became afraid that,
if they were to repeat these statements to
the popular assembly, they might gain the
multitude, and the Argive alliance might
be rejected, and accordingly had recourse
to the following stratagem. He persuaded
the Lacedaemonians by a solemn assurance
that if they would say nothing of their full
powers in the assembly, he would give back
Pylos to them (himself, the present opponent
of its restitution, engaging to obtain this
from the Athenians), and would settle the
other points at issue. His plan was to detach
them from Nicias and to disgrace them before
the people, as being without sincerity in
their intentions, or even common consistency
in their language, and so to get the Argives,
Eleans, and Mantineans taken into alliance.
This plan proved successful. When the envoys
appeared before the people, and upon the
question being put to them, did not say as
they had said in the senate, that they had
come with full powers, the Athenians lost
all patience, and carried away by Alcibiades,
who thundered more loudly than ever against
the Lacedaemonians, were ready instantly
to introduce the Argives and their companions
and to take them into alliance. An earthquake,
however, occurring, before anything definite
had been done, this assembly was adjourned.
In the assembly held the next day, Nicias,
in spite of the Lacedaemonians having been
deceived themselves, and having allowed him
to be deceived also in not admitting that
they had come with full powers, still maintained
that it was best to be friends with the Lacedaemonians,
and, letting the Argive proposals stand over,
to send once more to Lacedaemon and learn
her intentions. The adjournment of the war
could only increase their own prestige and
injure that of their rivals; the excellent
state of their affairs making it their interest
to preserve this prosperity as long as possible,
while those of Lacedaemon were so desperate
that the sooner she could try her fortune
again the better. He succeeded accordingly
in persuading them to send ambassadors, himself
being among the number, to invite the Lacedaemonians,
if they were really sincere, to restore Panactum
intact with Amphipolis, and to abandon their
alliance with the Boeotians (unless they
consented to accede to the treaty), agreeably
to the stipulation which forbade either to
treat without the other. The ambassadors
were also directed to say that the Athenians,
had they wished to play false, might already
have made alliance with the Argives, who
were indeed come to Athens for that very
purpose, and went off furnished with instructions
as to any other complaints that the Athenians
had to make. Having reached Lacedaemon, they
communicated their instructions, and concluded
by telling the Lacedaemonians that unless
they gave up their alliance with the Boeotians,
in the event of their not acceding to the
treaty, the Athenians for their part would
ally themselves with the Argives and their
friends. The Lacedaemonians, however, refused
to give up the Boeotian alliance- the party
of Xenares the ephor, and such as shared
their view, carrying the day upon this point-
but renewed the oaths at the request of Nicias,
who feared to return without having accomplished
anything and to be disgraced; as was indeed
his fate, he being held the author of the
treaty with Lacedaemon. When he returned,
and the Athenians heard that nothing had
been done at Lacedaemon, they flew into a
passion, and deciding that faith had not
been kept with them, took advantage of the
presence of the Argives and their allies,
who had been introduced by Alcibiades, and
made a treaty and alliance with them upon
the terms following: The Athenians, Argives,
Mantineans, and Eleans, acting for themselves
and the allies in their respective empires,
made a treaty for a hundred years, to be
without fraud or hurt by land and by sea.
1. It shall not be lawful to carry on war,
either for the Argives, Eleans, Mantineans,
and their allies, against the Athenians,
or the allies in the Athenian empire: or
for the Athenians and their allies against
the Argives, Eleans, Mantineans, or their
allies, in any way or means whatsoever. The
Athenians, Argives, Eleans, and Mantineans
shall be allies for a hundred years upon
the terms following: 2. If an enemy invade
the country of the Athenians, the Argives,
Eleans, and Mantineans shall go to the relief
of Athens, according as the Athenians may
require by message, in such way as they most
effectually can, to the best of their power.
But if the invader be gone after plundering
the territory, the offending state shall
be the enemy of the Argives, Mantineans,
Eleans, and Athenians, and war shall be made
against it by all these cities: and no one
of the cities shall be able to make peace
with that state, except all the above cities
agree to do so. 3. Likewise the Athenians
shall go to the relief of Argos, Mantinea,
and Elis, if an enemy invade the country
of Elis, Mantinea, or Argos, according as
the above cities may require by message,
in such way as they most effectually can,
to the best of their power. But if the invader
be gone after plundering the territory, the
state offending shall be the enemy of the
Athenians, Argives, Mantineans, and Eleans,
and war shall be made against it by all these
cities, and peace may not be made with that
state except all the above cities agree to
it. 4. No armed force shall be allowed to
pass for hostile purposes through the country
of the powers contracting, or of the allies
in their respective empires, or to go by
sea, except all the cities- that is to say,
Athens, Argos, Mantinea, and Elis- vote for
such passage. 5. The relieving troops shall
be maintained by the city sending them for
thirty days from their arrival in the city
that has required them, and upon their return
in the same way: if their services be desired
for a longer period, the city that sent for
them shall maintain them, at the rate of
three Aeginetan obols per day for a heavy-armed
soldier, archer, or light soldier, and an
Aeginetan drachma for a trooper. 6. The city
sending for the troops shall have the command
when the war is in its own country: but in
case of the cities resolving upon a joint
expedition the command shall be equally divided
among all the cities. 7. The treaty shall
be sworn to by the Athenians for themselves
and their allies, by the Argives, Mantineans,
Eleans, and their allies, by each state individually.
Each shall swear the oath most binding in
his country over full-grown victims: the
oath being as follows: "I STAND BY THE
ALLIANCE AND ITS ARTICLES, JUSTLY, INNOCENTLY,
AND SINCERELY, AND I WILL NOT TRANSGRESS
THE SAME IN ANY WAY OR MEANS WHATSOEVER."
The oath shall taken at Athens by the Senate
and the magistrates, the Prytanes administering
it: as by the Senate, the Eighty, and the
Artynae, the Eighty administering it: at
Mantinea by the Demiurgi, the Senate, and
the other magistrates, the Theori and Polemarchs
administering it: at Elis by the Demiurgi,
the magistrates, and the Six Hundred, the
Demiurgi and the Thesmophylaces administering
it. The oaths shall be renewed by the Athenians
going to Elis, Mantinea, and Argos thirty
days before the Olympic games: by the Argives,
Mantineans, and Eleans going to Athens ten
days before the great feast of the Panathenaea.
The articles of the treaty, the oaths, and
the alliance shall be inscribed on a stone
pillar by the Athenians in the citadel, by
the Argives in the market-place, in the temple
of Apollo: by the Mantineans in the temple
of Zeus, in the market-place: and a brazen
pillar shall be erected jointly by them at
the Olympic games now at hand. Should the
above cities see good to make any addition
in these articies, whatever all the above
cities shall agree upon, after consulting
together, shall be binding. Although the
treaty and alliances were thus concluded,
still the treaty between the Lacedaemonians
and Athenians was not renounced by either
party. Meanwhile Corinth, although the ally
of the Argives, did not accede to the new
treaty, any more than she had done to the
alliance, defensive and offensive, formed
before this between the Eleans, Argives,
and Mantineans, when she declared herself
content with the first alliance, which was
defensive only, and which bound them to help
each other, but not to join in attacking
any. The Corinthians thus stood aloof from
their allies, and again turned their thoughts
towards Lacedaemon. At the Olympic games
which were held this summer, and in which
the Arcadian Androsthenes was victor the
first time in the wrestling and boxing, the
Lacedaemonians were excluded from the temple
by the Eleans, and thus prevented from sacrificing
or contending, for having refused to pay
the fine specified in the Olympic law imposed
upon them by the Eleans, who alleged that
they had attacked Fort Phyrcus, and sent
heavy infantry of theirs into Lepreum during
the Olympic truce. The amount of the fine
was two thousand minae, two for each heavy-armed
soldier, as the law prescribes. The Lacedaemonians
sent envoys, and pleaded that the imposition
was unjust; saying that the truce had not
yet been proclaimed at Lacedaemon when the
heavy infantry were sent off. But the Eleans
affirmed that the armistice with them had
already begun (they proclaim it first among
themselves), and that the aggression of the
Lacedaemonians had taken them by surprise
while they were living quietly as in time
of peace, and not expecting anything. Upon
this the Lacedaemonians submitted, that if
the Eleans really believed that they had
committed an aggression, it was useless after
that to proclaim the truce at Lacedaemon;
but they had proclaimed it notwithstanding,
as believing nothing of the kind, and from
that moment the Lacedaemonians had made no
attack upon their country. Nevertheless the
Eleans adhered to what they had said, that
nothing would persuade them that an aggression
had not been committed; if, however, the
Lacedaemonians would restore Lepreum, they
would give up their own share of the money
and pay that of the god for them. As this
proposal was not accepted, the Eleans tried
a second. Instead of restoring Lepreum, if
this was objected to, the Lacedaemonians
should ascend the altar of the Olympian Zeus,
as they were so anxious to have access to
the temple, and swear before the Hellenes
that they would surely pay the fine at a
later day. This being also refused, the Lacedaemonians
were excluded from the temple, the sacrifice,
and the games, and sacrificed at home; the
Lepreans being the only other Hellenes who
did not attend. Still the Eleans were afraid
of the Lacedaemonians sacrificing by force,
and kept guard with a heavy-armed company
of their young men; being also joined by
a thousand Argives, the same number of Mantineans,
and by some Athenian cavalry who stayed at
Harpina during the feast. Great fears were
felt in the assembly of the Lacedaemonians
coming in arms, especially after Lichas,
son of Arcesilaus, a Lacedaemonian, had been
scourged on the course by the umpires; because,
upon his horses being the winners, and the
Boeotian people being proclaimed the victor
on account of his having no right to enter,
he came forward on the course and crowned
the charioteer, in order to show that the
chariot was his. After this incident all
were more afraid than ever, and firmly looked
for a disturbance: the Lacedaemonians, however,
kept quiet, and let the feast pass by, as
we have seen. After the Olympic games, the
Argives and the allies repaired to Corinth
to invite her to come over to them. There
they found some Lacedaemonian envoys; and
a long discussion ensued, which after all
ended in nothing, as an earthquake occurred,
and they dispersed to their different homes.
Summer was now over. The winter following
a battle took place between the Heracleots
in Trachinia and the Aenianians, Dolopians,
Malians, and certain of the Thessalians,
all tribes bordering on and hostile to the
town, which directly menaced their country.
Accordingly, after having opposed and harassed
it from its very foundation by every means
in their power, they now in this battle defeated
the Heracleots, Xenares, son of Cnidis, their
Lacedaemonian commander, being among the
slain. Thus the winter ended and the twelfth
year of this war ended also. After the battle,
Heraclea was so terribly reduced that in
the first days of the summer following the
Boeotians occupied the place and sent away
the Lacedaemonian Agesippidas for misgovernment,
fearing that the town might be taken by the
Athenians while the Lacedaemonians were distracted
with the affairs of Peloponnese. The Lacedaemonians,
nevertheless, were offended with them for
what they had done. The same summer Alcibiades,
son of Clinias, now one of the generals at
Athens, in concert with the Argives and the
allies, went into Peloponnese with a few
Athenian heavy infantry and archers and some
of the allies in those parts whom he took
up as he passed, and with this army marched
here and there through Peloponnese, and settled
various matters connected with the alliance,
and among other things induced the Patrians
to carry their walls down to the sea, intending
himself also to build a fort near the Achaean
Rhium. However, the Corinthians and Sicyonians,
and all others who would have suffered by
its being built, came up and hindered him.
The same summer war broke out between the
Epidaurians and Argives. The pretext was
that the Epidaurians did not send an offering
for their pasture-land to Apollo Pythaeus,
as they were bound to do, the Argives having
the chief management of the temple; but,
apart from this pretext, Alcibiades and the
Argives were determined, if possible, to
gain possession of Epidaurus, and thus to
ensure the neutrality of Corinth and give
the Athenians a shorter passage for their
reinforcements from Aegina than if they had
to sail round Scyllaeum. The Argives accordingly
prepared to invade Epidaurus by themselves,
to exact the offering. About the same time
the Lacedaemonians marched out with all their
people to Leuctra upon their frontier, opposite
to Mount Lycaeum, under the command of Agis,
son of Archidamus, without any one knowing
their destination, not even the cities that
sent the contingents. The sacrifices, however,
for crossing the frontier not proving propitious,
the Lacedaemonians returned home themselves,
and sent word to the allies to be ready to
march after the month ensuing, which happened
to be the month of Carneus, a holy time for
the Dorians. Upon the retreat of the Lacedaemonians
the Argives marched out on the last day but
three of the month before Carneus, and keeping
this as the day during the whole time that
they were out, invaded and plundered Epidaurus.
The Epidaurians summoned their allies to
their aid, some of whom pleaded the month
as an excuse; others came as far as the frontier
of Epidaurus and there remained inactive.
While the Argives were in Epidaurus embassies
from the cities assembled at Mantinea, upon
the invitation of the Athenians. The conference
having begun, the Corinthian Euphamidas said
that their actions did not agree with their
words; while they were sitting deliberating
about peace, the Epidaurians and their allies
and the Argives were arrayed against each
other in arms; deputies from each party should
first go and separate the armies, and then
the talk about peace might be resumed. In
compliance with this suggestion, they went
and brought back the Argives from Epidaurus,
and afterwards reassembled, but without succeeding
any better in coming to a conclusion; and
the Argives a second time invaded Epidaurus
and plundered the country. The Lacedaemonians
also marched out to Caryae; but the frontier
sacrifices again proving unfavourable, they
went back again, and the Argives, after ravaging
about a third of the Epidaurian territory,
returned home. Meanwhile a thousand Athenian
heavy infantry had come to their aid under
the command of Alcibiades, but finding that
the Lacedaemonian expedition was at an end,
and that they were no longer wanted, went
back again. So passed the summer. The next
winter the Lacedaemonians managed to elude
the vigilance of the Athenians, and sent
in a garrison of three hundred men to Epidaurus,
under the command of Agesippidas. Upon this
the Argives went to the Athenians and complained
of their having allowed an enemy to pass
by sea, in spite of the clause in the treaty
by which the allies were not to allow an
enemy to pass through their country. Unless,
therefore, they now put the Messenians and
Helots in Pylos to annoy the Lacedaemonians,
they, the Argives, should consider that faith
had not been kept with them. The Athenians
were persuaded by Alcibiades to inscribe
at the bottom of the Laconian pillar that
the Lacedaemonians had not kept their oaths,
and to convey the Helots at Cranii to Pylos
to plunder the country; but for the rest
they remained quiet as before. During this
winter hostilities went on between the Argives
and Epidaurians, without any pitched battle
taking place, but only forays and ambuscades,
in which the losses were small and fell now
on one side and now on the other. At the
close of the winter, towards the beginning
of spring, the Argives went with scaling
ladders to Epidaurus, expecting to find it
left unguarded on account of the war and
to be able to take it by assault, but returned
unsuccessful. And the winter ended, and with
it the thirteenth year of the war ended also.
In the middle of the next summer the Lacedaemonians,
seeing the Epidaurians, their allies, in
distress, and the rest of Peloponnese either
in revolt or disaffected, concluded that
it was high time for them to interfere if
they wished to stop the progress of the evil,
and accordingly with their full force, the
Helots included, took the field against Argos,
under the command of Agis, son of Archidamus,
king of the Lacedaemonians. The Tegeans and
the other Arcadian allies of Lacedaemon joined
in the expedition. The allies from the rest
of Peloponnese and from outside mustered
at Phlius; the Boeotians with five thousand
heavy infantry and as many light troops,
and five hundred horse and the same number
of dismounted troopers; the Corinthians with
two thousand heavy infantry; the rest more
or less as might happen; and the Phliasians
with all their forces, the army being in
their country. The preparations of the Lacedaemonians
from the first had been known to the Argives,
who did not, however, take the field until
the enemy was on his road to join the rest
at Phlius. Reinforced by the Mantineans with
their allies, and by three thousand Elean
heavy infantry, they advanced and fell in
with the Lacedaemonians at Methydrium in
Arcadia. Each party took up its position
upon a hill, and the Argives prepared to
engage the Lacedaemonians while they were
alone; but Agis eluded them by breaking up
his camp in the night, and proceeded to join
the rest of the allies at Phlius. The Argives
discovering this at daybreak, marched first
to Argos and then to the Nemean road, by
which they expected the Lacedaemonians and
their allies would come down. However, Agis,
instead of taking this road as they expected,
gave the Lacedaemonians, Arcadians, and Epidaurians
their orders, and went along another difficult
road, and descended into the plain of Argos.
The Corinthians, Pellenians, and Phliasians
marched by another steep road; while the
Boeotians, Megarians, and Sicyonians had
instructions to come down by the Nemean road
where the Argives were posted, in order that,
if the enemy advanced into the plain against
the troops of Agis, they might fall upon
his rear with their cavalry. These dispositions
concluded, Agis invaded the plain and began
to ravage Saminthus and other places. Discovering
this, the Argives came up from Nemea, day
having now dawned. On their way they fell
in with the troops of the Phliasians and
Corinthians, and killed a few of the Phliasians
and had perhaps a few more of their own men
killed by the Corinthians. Meanwhile the
Boeotians, Megarians, and Sicyonians, advancing
upon Nemea according to their instructions,
found the Argives no longer there, as they
had gone down on seeing their property ravaged,
and were now forming for battle, the Lacedaemonians
imitating their example. The Argives were
now completely surrounded; from the plain
the Lacedaemonians and their allies shut
them off from their city; above them were
the Corinthians, Phliasians, and Pellenians;
and on the side of Nemea the Boeotians, Sicyonians,
and Megarians. Meanwhile their army was without
cavalry, the Athenians alone among the allies
not having yet arrived. Now the bulk of the
Argives and their allies did not see the
danger of their position, but thought that
they could not have a fairer field, having
intercepted the Lacedaemonians in their own
country and close to the city. Two men, however,
in the Argive army, Thrasylus, one of the
five generals, and Alciphron, the Lacedaemonian
proxenus, just as the armies were upon the
point of engaging, went and held a parley
with Agis and urged him not to bring on a
battle, as the Argives were ready to refer
to fair and equal arbitration whatever complaints
the Lacedaemonians might have against them,
and to make a treaty and live in peace in
future. The Argives who made these statements
did so upon their own authority, not by order
of the people, and Agis on his accepted their
proposals, and without himself either consulting
the majority, simply communicated the matter
to a single individual, one of the high officers
accompanying the expedition, and granted
the Argives a truce for four months, in which
to fulfil their promises; after which he
immediately led off the army without giving
any explanation to any of the other allies.
The Lacedaemonians and allies followed their
general out of respect for the law, but amongst
themselves loudly blamed Agis for going away
from so fair a field (the enemy being hemmed
in on every side by infantry and cavalry)
without having done anything worthy of their
strength. Indeed this was by far the finest
Hellenic army ever yet brought together;
and it should have been seen while it was
still united at Nemea, with the Lacedaemonians
in full force, the Arcadians, Boeotians,
Corinthians, Sicyonians, Pellenians, Phliasians
and Megarians, and all these the flower of
their respective populations, thinking themselves
a match not merely for the Argive confederacy,
but for another such added to it. The army
thus retired blaming Agis, and returned every
man to his home. The Argives however blamed
still more loudly the persons who had concluded
the truce without consulting the people,
themselves thinking that they had let escape
with the Lacedaemonians an opportunity such
as they should never see again; as the struggle
would have been under the walls of their
city, and by the side of many and brave allies.
On their return accordingly they began to
stone Thrasylus in the bed of the Charadrus,
where they try all military causes before
entering the city. Thrasylus fled to the
altar, and so saved his life; his property
however they confiscated. After this arrived
a thousand Athenian heavy infantry and three
hundred horse, under the command of Laches
and Nicostratus; whom the Argives, being
nevertheless loath to break the truce with
the Lacedaemonians, begged to depart, and
refused to bring before the people, to whom
they had a communication to make, until compelled
to do so by the entreaties of the Mantineans
and Eleans, who were still at Argos. The
Athenians, by the mouth of Alcibiades their
ambassador there present, told the Argives
and the allies that they had no right to
make a truce at all without the consent of
their fellow confederates, and now that the
Athenians had arrived so opportunely the
war ought to be resumed. These arguments
proving successful with the allies, they
immediately marched upon Orchomenos, all
except the Argives, who, although they had
consented like the rest, stayed behind at
first, but eventually joined the others.
They now all sat down and besieged Orchomenos,
and made assaults upon it; one of their reasons
for desiring to gain this place being that
hostages from Arcadia had been lodged there
by the Lacedaemonians. The Orchomenians,
alarmed at the weakness of their wall and
the numbers of the enemy, and at the risk
they ran of perishing before relief arrived,
capitulated upon condition of joining the
league, of giving hostages of their own to
the Mantineans, and giving up those lodged
with them by the Lacedaemonians. Orchomenos
thus secured, the allies now consulted as
to which of the remaining places they should
attack next. The Eleans were urgent for Lepreum;
the Mantineans for Tegea; and the Argives
and Athenians giving their support to the
Mantineans, the Eleans went home in a rage
at their not having voted for Lepreum; while
the rest of the allies made ready at Mantinea
for going against Tegea, which a party inside
had arranged to put into their hands. Meanwhile
the Lacedaemonians, upon their return from
Argos after concluding the four months' truce,
vehemently blamed Agis for not having subdued
Argos, after an opportunity such as they
thought they had never had before; for it
was no easy matter to bring so many and so
good allies together. But when the news arrived
of the capture of Orchomenos, they became
more angry than ever, and, departing from
all precedent, in the heat of the moment
had almost decided to raze his house, and
to fine him ten thousand drachmae. Agis however
entreated them to do none of these things,
promising to atone for his fault by good
service in the field, failing which they
might then do to him whatever they pleased;
and they accordingly abstained from razing
his house or fining him as they had threatened
to do, and now made a law, hitherto unknown
at Lacedaemon, attaching to him ten Spartans
as counsellors, without whose consent he
should have no power to lead an army out
of the city. At this juncture arrived word
from their friends in Tegea that, unless
they speedily appeared, Tegea would go over
from them to the Argives and their allies,
if it had not gone over already. Upon this
news a force marched out from Lacedaemon,
of the Spartans and Helots and all their
people, and that instantly and upon a scale
never before witnessed. Advancing to Orestheum
in Maenalia, they directed the Arcadians
in their league to follow close after them
to Tegea, and, going on themselves as far
as Orestheum, from thence sent back the sixth
part of the Spartans, consisting of the oldest
and youngest men, to guard their homes, and
with the rest of their army arrived at Tegea;
where their Arcadian allies soon after joined
them. Meanwhile they sent to Corinth, to
the Boeotians, the Phocians, and Locrians,
with orders to come up as quickly as possible
to Mantinea. These had but short notice;
and it was not easy except all together,
and after waiting for each other, to pass
through the enemy's country, which lay right
across and blocked up the line of communication.
Nevertheless they made what haste they could.
Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians with the Arcadian
allies that had joined them, entered the
territory of Mantinea, and encamping near
the temple of Heracles began to plunder the
country. Here they were seen by the Argives
and their allies, who immediately took up
a strong and difficult position, and formed
in order of battle. The Lacedaemonians at
once advanced against them, and came on within
a stone's throw or javelin's cast, when one
of the older men, seeing the enemy's position
to be a strong one, hallooed to Agis that
he was minded to cure one evil with another;
meaning that he wished to make amends for
his retreat, which had been so much blamed,
from Argos, by his present untimely precipitation.
Meanwhile Agis, whether in consequence of
this halloo or of some sudden new idea of
his own, quickly led back his army without
engaging, and entering the Tegean territory,
began to turn off into that of Mantinea the
water about which the Mantineans and Tegeans
are always fighting, on account of the extensive
damage it does to whichever of the two countries
it falls into. His object in this was to
make the Argives and their allies come down
from the hill, to resist the diversion of
the water, as they would be sure to do when
they knew of it, and thus to fight the battle
in the plain. He accordingly stayed that
day where he was, engaged in turning off
the water. The Argives and their allies were
at first amazed at the sudden retreat of
the enemy after advancing so near, and did
not know what to make of it; but when he
had gone away and disappeared, without their
having stirred to pursue him, they began
anew to find fault with their generals, who
had not only let the Lacedaemonians get off
before, when they were so happily intercepted
before Argos, but who now again allowed them
to run away, without any one pursuing them,
and to escape at their leisure while the
Argive army was leisurely betrayed. The generals,
half-stunned for the moment, afterwards led
them down from the hill, and went forward
and encamped in the plain, with the intention
of attacking the enemy. The next day the
Argives and their allies formed in the order
in which they meant to fight, if they chanced
to encounter the enemy; and the Lacedaemonians
returning from the water to their old encampment
by the temple of Heracles, suddenly saw their
adversaries close in front of them, all in
complete order, and advanced from the hill.
A shock like that of the present moment the
Lacedaemonians do not ever remember to have
experienced: there was scant time for preparation,
as they instantly and hastily fell into their
ranks, Agis, their king, directing everything,
agreeably to the law. For when a king is
in the field all commands proceed from him:
he gives the word to the Polemarchs; they
to the Lochages; these to the Pentecostyes;
these again to the Enomotarchs, and these
last to the Enomoties. In short all orders
required pass in the same way and quickly
reach the troops; as almost the whole Lacedaemonian
army, save for a small part, consists of
officers under officers, and the care of
what is to be done falls upon many. In this
battle the left wing was composed of the
Sciritae, who in a Lacedaemonian army have
always that post to themselves alone; next
to these were the soldiers of Brasidas from
Thrace, and the Neodamodes with them; then
came the Lacedaemonians themselves, company
after company, with the Arcadians of Heraea
at their side. After these were the Maenalians,
and on the right wing the Tegeans with a
few of the Lacedaemonians at the extremity;
their cavalry being posted upon the two wings.
Such was the Lacedaemonian formation. That
of their opponents was as follows: On the
right were the Mantineans, the action taking
place in their country; next to them the
allies from Arcadia; after whom came the
thousand picked men of the Argives, to whom
the state had given a long course of military
training at the public expense; next to them
the rest of the Argives, and after them their
allies, the Cleonaeans and Orneans, and lastly
the Athenians on the extreme left, and lastly
the Athenians on the extreme left, and their
own cavalry with them. Such were the order
and the forces of the two combatants. The
Lacedaemonian army looked the largest; though
as to putting down the numbers of either
host, or of the contingents composing it,
I could not do so with any accuracy. Owing
to the secrecy of their government the number
of the Lacedaemonians was not known, and
men are so apt to brag about the forces of
their country that the estimate of their
opponents was not trusted. The following
calculation, however, makes it possible to
estimate the numbers of the Lacedaemonians
present upon this occasion. There were seven
companies in the field without counting the
Sciritae, who numbered six hundred men: in
each company there were four Pentecostyes,
and in the Pentecosty four Enomoties. The
first rank of the Enomoty was composed of
four soldiers: as to the depth, although
they had not been all drawn up alike, but
as each captain chose, they were generally
ranged eight deep; the first rank along the
whole line, exclusive of the Sciritae, consisted
of four hundred and forty-eight men. The
armies being now on the eve of engaging,
each contingent received some words of encouragement
from its own commander. The Mantineans were,
reminded that they were going to fight for
their country and to avoid returning to the
experience of servitude after having tasted
that of empire; the Argives, that they would
contend for their ancient supremacy, to regain
their once equal share of Peloponnese of
which they had been so long deprived, and
to punish an enemy and a neighbour for a
thousand wrongs; the Athenians, of the glory
of gaining the honours of the day with so
many and brave allies in arms, and that a
victory over the Lacedaemonians in Peloponnese
would cement and extend their empire, and
would besides preserve Attica from all invasions
in future. These were the incitements addressed
to the Argives and their allies. The Lacedaemonians
meanwhile, man to man, and with their war-songs
in the ranks, exhorted each brave comrade
to remember what he had learnt before; well
aware that the long training of action was
of more saving virtue than any brief verbal
exhortation, though never so well delivered.
After this they joined battle, the Argives
and their allies advancing with haste and
fury, the Lacedaemonians slowly and to the
music of many flute-players- a standing institution
in their army, that has nothing to do with
religion, but is meant to make them advance
evenly, stepping in time, without break their
order, as large armies are apt to do in the
moment of engaging. Just before the battle
joined, King Agis resolved upon the following
manoeuvre. All armies are alike in this:
on going into action they get forced out
rather on their right wing, and one and the
other overlap with this adversary's left;
because fear makes each man do his best to
shelter his unarmed side with the shield
of the man next him on the right, thinking
that the closer the shields are locked together
the better will he be protected. The man
primarily responsible for this is the first
upon the right wing, who is always striving
to withdraw from the enemy his unarmed side;
and the same apprehension makes the rest
follow him. On the present occasion the Mantineans
reached with their wing far beyond the Sciritae,
and the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans still
farther beyond the Athenians, as their army
was the largest. Agis, afraid of his left
being surrounded, and thinking that the Mantineans
outflanked it too far, ordered the Sciritae
and Brasideans to move out from their place
in the ranks and make the line even with
the Mantineans, and told the Polemarchs Hipponoidas
and Aristocles to fill up the gap thus formed,
by throwing themselves into it with two companies
taken from the right wing; thinking that
his right would still be strong enough and
to spare, and that the line fronting the
Mantineans would gain in solidity. However,
as he gave these orders in the moment of
the onset, and at short notice, it so happened
that Aristocles and Hipponoidas would not
move over, for which offence they were afterwards
banished from Sparta, as having been guilty
of cowardice; and the enemy meanwhile closed
before the Sciritae (whom Agis on seeing
that the two companies did not move over
ordered to return to their place) had time
to fill up the breach in question. Now it
was, however, that the Lacedaemonians, utterly
worsted in respect of skill, showed themselves
as superior in point of courage. As soon
as they came to close quarters with the enemy,
the Mantinean right broke their Sciritae
and Brasideans, and, bursting in with their
allies and the thousand picked Argives into
the unclosed breach in their line, cut up
and surrounded the Lacedaemonians, and drove
them in full rout to the wagons, slaying
some of the older men on guard there. But
the Lacedaemonians, worsted in this part
of the field, with the rest of their army,
and especially the centre, where the three
hundred knights, as they are called, fought
round King Agis, fell on the older men of
the Argives and the five companies so named,
and on the Cleonaeans, the Orneans, and the
Athenians next them, and instantly routed
them; the greater number not even waiting
to strike a blow, but giving way the moment
that they came on, some even being trodden
under foot, in their fear of being overtaken
by their assailants. The army of the Argives
and their allies, having given way in this
quarter, was now completely cut in two, and
the Lacedaemonian and Tegean right simultaneously
closing round the Athenians with the troops
that outflanked them, these last found themselves
placed between two fires, being surrounded
on one side and already defeated on the other.
Indeed they would have suffered more severely
than any other part of the army, but for
the services of the cavalry which they had
with them. Agis also on perceiving the distress
of his left opposed to the Mantineans and
the thousand Argives, ordered all the army
to advance to the support of the defeated
wing; and while this took place, as the enemy
moved past and slanted away from them, the
Athenians escaped at their leisure, and with
them the beaten Argive division. Meanwhile
the Mantineans and their allies and the picked
body of the Argives ceased to press the enemy,
and seeing their friends defeated and the
Lacedaemonians in full advance upon them,
took to flight. Many of the Mantineans perished;
but the bulk of the picked body of the Argives
made good their escape. The flight and retreat,
however, were neither hurried nor long; the
Lacedaemonians fighting long and stubbornly
until the rout of their enemy, but that once
effected, pursuing for a short time and not
far. Such was the battle, as nearly as possible
as I have described it; the greatest that
had occurred for a very long while among
the Hellenes, and joined by the most considerable
states. The Lacedaemonians took up a position
in front of the enemy's dead, and immediately
set up a trophy and stripped the slain; they
took up their own dead and carried them back
to Tegea, where they buried them, and restored
those of the enemy under truce. The Argives,
Orneans, and Cleonaeans had seven hundred
killed; the Mantineans two hundred, and the
Athenians and Aeginetans also two hundred,
with both their generals. On the side of
the Lacedaemonians, the allies did not suffer
any loss worth speaking of: as to the Lacedaemonians
themselves it was difficult to learn the
truth; it is said, however, that there were
slain about three hundred of them. While
the battle was impending, Pleistoanax, the
other king, set out with a reinforcement
composed of the oldest and youngest men,
and got as far as Tegea, where he heard of
the victory and went back again. The Lacedaemonians
also sent and turned back the allies from
Corinth and from beyond the Isthmus, and
returning themselves dismissed their allies,
and kept the Carnean holidays, which happened
to be at that time. The imputations cast
upon them by the Hellenes at the time, whether
of cowardice on account of the disaster in
the island, or of mismanagement and slowness
generally, were all wiped out by this single
action: fortune, it was thought, might have
humbled them, but the men themselves were
the same as ever. The day before this battle,
the Epidaurians with all their forces invaded
the deserted Argive territory, and cut off
many of the guards left there in the absence
of the Argive army. After the battle three
thousand Elean heavy infantry arriving to
aid the Mantineans, and a reinforcement of
one thousand Athenians, all these allies
marched at once against Epidaurus, while
the Lacedaemonians were keeping the Carnea,
and dividing the work among them began to
build a wall round the city. The rest left
off; but the Athenians finished at once the
part assigned to them round Cape Heraeum;
and having all joined in leaving a garrison
in the fortification in question, they returned
to their respective cities. Summer now came
to an end. In the first days of the next
winter, when the Carnean holidays were over,
the Lacedaemonians took the field, and arriving
at Tegea sent on to Argos proposals of accommodation.
They had before had a party in the town desirous
of overthrowing the democracy; and after
the battle that had been fought, these were
now far more in a position to persuade the
people to listen to terms. Their plan was
first to make a treaty with the Lacedaemonians,
to be followed by an alliance, and after
this to fall upon the commons. Lichas, son
of Arcesilaus, the Argive proxenus, accordingly
arrived at Argos with two proposals from
Lacedaemon, to regulate the conditions of
war or peace, according as they preferred
the one or the other. After much discussion,
Alcibiades happening to be in the town, the
Lacedaemonian party, who now ventured to
act openly, persuaded the Argives to accept
the proposal for accommodation; which ran
as follows: The assembly of the Lacedaemonians
agrees to treat with the Argives upon the
terms following: 1. The Argives shall restore
to the Orchomenians their children, and to
the Maenalians their men, and shall restore
the men they have in Mantinea to the Lacedaemonians.
2. They shall evacuate Epidaurus, and raze
the fortification there. If the Athenians
refuse to withdraw from Epidaurus, they shall
be declared enemies of the Argives and of
the Lacedaemonians, and of the allies of
the Lacedaemonians and the allies of the
Argives. 3. If the Lacedaemonians have any
children in their custody, they shall restore
them every one to his city. 4. As to the
offering to the god, the Argives, if they
wish, shall impose an oath upon the Epidaurians,
but, if not, they shall swear it themselves.
5. All the cities in Peloponnese, both small
and great, shall be independent according
to the customs of their country. 6. If any
of the powers outside Peloponnese invade
Peloponnesian territory, the parties contracting
shall unite to repel them, on such terms
as they may agree upon, as being most fair
for the Peloponnesians. 7. All allies of
the Lacedaemonians outside Peloponnese shall
be on the same footing as the Lacedaemonians,
and the allies of the Argives shall be on
the same footing as the Argives, being left
in enjoyment of their own possessions. 8.
This treaty shall be shown to the allies,
and shall be concluded, if they approve;
if the allies think fit, they may send the
treaty to be considered at home. The Argives
began by accepting this proposal, and the
Lacedaemonian army returned home from Tegea.
After this intercourse was renewed between
them, and not long afterwards the same party
contrived that the Argives should give up
the league with the Mantineans, Eleans, and
Athenians, and should make a treaty and alliance
with the Lacedaemonians; which was consequently
done upon the terms following: The Lacedaemonians
and Argives agree to a treaty and alliance
for fifty years upon the terms following:
1. All disputes shall be decided by fair
and impartial arbitration, agreeably to the
customs of the two countries. 2. The rest
of the cities in Peloponnese may be included
in this treaty and alliance, as independent
and sovereign, in full enjoyment of what
they possess, all disputes being decided
by fair and impartial arbitration, agreeably
to the customs of the said cities. 3. All
allies of the Lacedaemonians outside Peloponnese
shall be upon the same footing as the Lacedaemonians
themselves, and the allies of the Argives
shall be upon the same footing as the Argives
themselves, continuing to enjoy what they
possess. 4. If it shall be anywhere necessary
to make an expedition in common, the Lacedaemonians
and Argives shall consult upon it and decide,
as may be most fair for the allies. 5. If
any of the cities, whether inside or outside
Peloponnese, have a question whether of frontiers
or otherwise, it must be settled, but if
one allied city should have a quarrel with
another allied city, it must be referred
to some third city thought impartial by both
parties. Private citizens shall have their
disputes decided according to the laws of
their several countries. The treaty and above
alliance concluded, each party at once released
everything whether acquired by war or otherwise,
and thenceforth acting in common voted to
receive neither herald nor embassy from the
Athenians unless they evacuated their forts
and withdrew from Peloponnese, and also to
make neither peace nor war with any, except
jointly. Zeal was not wanting: both parties
sent envoys to the Thracian places and to
Perdiccas, and persuaded the latter to join
their league. Still he did not at once break
off from Athens, although minded to do so
upon seeing the way shown him by Argos, the
original home of his family. They also renewed
their old oaths with the Chalcidians and
took new ones: the Argives, besides, sent
ambassadors to the Athenians, bidding them
evacuate the fort at Epidaurus. The Athenians,
seeing their own men outnumbered by the rest
of the garrison, sent Demosthenes to bring
them out. This general, under colour of a
gymnastic contest which he arranged on his
arrival, got the rest of the garrison out
of the place, and shut the gates behind them.
Afterwards the Athenians renewed their treaty
with the Epidaurians, and by themselves gave
up the fortress. After the defection of Argos
from the league, the Mantineans, though they
held out at first, in the end finding themselves
powerless without the Argives, themselves
too came to terms with Lacedaemon, and gave
up their sovereignty over the towns. The
Lacedaemonians and Argives, each a thousand
strong, now took the field together, and
the former first went by themselves to Sicyon
and made the government there more oligarchical
than before, and then both, uniting, put
down the democracy at Argos and set up an
oligarchy favourable to Lacedaemon. These
events occurred at the close of the winter,
just before spring; and the fourteenth year
of the war ended. The next summer the people
of Dium, in Athos, revolted from the Athenians
to the Chalcidians, and the Lacedaemonians
settled affairs in Achaea in a way more agreeable
to the interests of their country. Meanwhile
the popular party at Argos little by little
gathered new consistency and courage, and
waited for the moment of the Gymnopaedic
festival at Lacedaemon, and then fell upon
the oligarchs. After a fight in the city,
victory declared for the commons, who slew
some of their opponents and banished others.
The Lacedaemonians for a long while let the
messages of their friends at Argos remain
without effect. At last they put off the
Gymnopaediae and marched to their succour,
but learning at Tegea the defeat of the oligarchs,
refused to go any further in spite of the
entreaties of those who had escaped, and
returned home and kept the festival. Later
on, envoys arrived with messages from the
Argives in the town and from the exiles,
when the allies were also at Sparta; and
after much had been said on both sides, the
Lacedaemonians decided that the party in
the town had done wrong, and resolved to
march against Argos, but kept delaying and
putting off the matter. Meanwhile the commons
at Argos, in fear of the Lacedaemonians,
began again to court the Athenian alliance,
which they were convinced would be of the
greatest service to them; and accordingly
proceeded to build long walls to the sea,
in order that in case of a blockade by land;
with the help of the Athenians they might
have the advantage of importing what they
wanted by sea. Some of the cities in Peloponnese
were also privy to the building of these
walls; and the Argives with all their people,
women and slaves not excepted, addressed
themselves to the work, while carpenters
and masons came to them from Athens. Summer
was now over. The winter following the Lacedaemonians,
hearing of the walls that were building,
marched against Argos with their allies,
the Corinthians excepted, being also not
without intelligence in the city itself;
Agis, son of Archidamus, their king, was
in command. The intelligence which they counted
upon within the town came to nothing; they
however took and razed the walls which were
being built, and after capturing the Argive
town Hysiae and killing all the freemen that
fell into their hands, went back and dispersed
every man to his city. After this the Argives
marched into Phlius and plundered it for
harbouring their exiles, most of whom had
settled there, and so returned home. The
same winter the Athenians blockaded Macedonia,
on the score of the league entered into by
Perdiccas with the Argives and Lacedaemonians,
and also of his breach of his engagements
on the occasion of the expedition prepared
by Athens against the Chalcidians in the
direction of Thrace and against Amphipolis,
under the command of Nicias, son of Niceratus,
which had to be broken up mainly because
of his desertion. He was therefore proclaimed
an enemy. And thus the winter ended, and
the fifteenth year of the war ended with
it. CHAPTER XVII. Sixteenth Year of the War
- The Melian Conference - Fate of Melos THE
next summer Alcibiades sailed with twenty
ships to Argos and seized the suspected persons
still left of the Lacedaemonian faction to
the number of three hundred, whom the Athenians
forthwith lodged in the neighbouring islands
of their empire. The Athenians also made
an expedition against the isle of Melos with
thirty ships of their own, six Chian, and
two Lesbian vessels, sixteen hundred heavy
infantry, three hundred archers, and twenty
mounted archers from Athens, and about fifteen
hundred heavy infantry from the allies and
the islanders. The Melians are a colony of
Lacedaemon that would not submit to the Athenians
like the other islanders, and at first remained
neutral and took no part in the struggle,
but afterwards upon the Athenians using violence
and plundering their territory, assumed an
attitude of open hostility. Cleomedes, son
of Lycomedes, and Tisias, son of Tisimachus,
the generals, encamping in their territory
with the above armament, before doing any
harm to their land, sent envoys to negotiate.
These the Melians did not bring before the
people, but bade them state the object of
their mission to the magistrates and the
few; upon which the Athenian envoys spoke
as follows: Athenians. Since the negotiations
are not to go on before the people, in order
that we may not be able to speak straight
on without interruption, and deceive the
ears of the multitude by seductive arguments
which would pass without refutation (for
we know that this is the meaning of our being
brought before the few), what if you who
sit there were to pursue a method more cautious
still? Make no set speech yourselves, but
take us up at whatever you do not like, and
settle that before going any farther. And
first tell us if this proposition of ours
suits you. The Melian commissioners answered:
Melians. To the fairness of quietly instructing
each other as you propose there is nothing
to object; but your military preparations
are too far advanced to agree with what you
say, as we see you are come to be judges
in your own cause, and that all we can reasonably
expect from this negotiation is war, if we
prove to have right on our side and refuse
to submit, and in the contrary case, slavery.
Athenians. If you have met to reason about
presentiments of the future, or for anything
else than to consult for the safety of your
state upon the facts that you see before
you, we will give over; otherwise we will
go on. Melians. It is natural and excusable
for men in our position to turn more ways
than one both in thought and utterance. However,
the question in this conference is, as you
say, the safety of our country; and the discussion,
if you please, can proceed in the way which
you propose. Athenians. For ourselves, we
shall not trouble you with specious pretences-
either of how we have a right to our empire
because we overthrew the Mede, or are now
attacking you because of wrong that you have
done us- and make a long speech which would
not be believed; and in return we hope that
you, instead of thinking to influence us
by saying that you did not join the Lacedaemonians,
although their colonists, or that you have
done us no wrong, will aim at what is feasible,
holding in view the real sentiments of us
both; since you know as well as we do that
right, as the world goes, is only in question
between equals in power, while the strong
do what they can and the weak suffer what
they must. Melians. As we think, at any rate,
it is expedient- we speak as we are obliged,
since you enjoin us to let right alone and
talk only of interest- that you should not
destroy what is our common protection, the
privilege of being allowed in danger to invoke
what is fair and right, and even to profit
by arguments not strictly valid if they can
be got to pass current. And you are as much
interested in this as any, as your fall would
be a signal for the heaviest vengeance and
an example for the world to meditate upon.
Athenians. The end of our empire, if end
it should, does not frighten us: a rival
empire like Lacedaemon, even if Lacedaemon
was our real antagonist, is not so terrible
to the vanquished as subjects who by themselves
attack and overpower their rulers. This,
however, is a risk that we are content to
take. We will now proceed to show you that
we are come here in the interest of our empire,
and that we shall say what we are now going
to say, for the preservation of your country;
as we would fain exercise that empire over
you without trouble, and see you preserved
for the good of us both. Melians. And how,
pray, could it turn out as good for us to
serve as for you to rule? Athenians. Because
you would have the advantage of submitting
before suffering the worst, and we should
gain by not destroying you. Melians. So that
you would not consent to our being neutral,
friends instead of enemies, but allies of
neither side. Athenians. No; for your hostility
cannot so much hurt us as your friendship
will be an argument to our subjects of our
weakness, and your enmity of our power. Melians.
Is that your subjects' idea of equity, to
put those who have nothing to do with you
in the same category with peoples that are
most of them your own colonists, and some
conquered rebels? Athenians. As far as right
goes they think one has as much of it as
the other, and that if any maintain their
independence it is because they are strong,
and that if we do not molest them it is because
we are afraid; so that besides extending
our empire we should gain in security by
your subjection; the fact that you are islanders
and weaker than others rendering it all the
more important that you should not succeed
in baffling the masters of the sea. Melians.
But do you consider that there is no security
in the policy which we indicate? For here
again if you debar us from talking about
justice and invite us to obey your interest,
we also must explain ours, and try to persuade
you, if the two happen to coincide. How can
you avoid making enemies of all existing
neutrals who shall look at case from it that
one day or another you will attack them?
And what is this but to make greater the
enemies that you have already, and to force
others to become so who would otherwise have
never thought of it? Athenians. Why, the
fact is that continentals generally give
us but little alarm; the liberty which they
enjoy will long prevent their taking precautions
against us; it is rather islanders like yourselves,
outside our empire, and subjects smarting
under the yoke, who would be the most likely
to take a rash step and lead themselves and
us into obvious danger. Melians. Well then,
if you risk so much to retain your empire,
and your subjects to get rid of it, it were
surely great baseness and cowardice in us
who are still free not to try everything
that can be tried, before submitting to your
yoke. Athenians. Not if you are well advised,
the contest not being an equal one, with
honour as the prize and shame as the penalty,
but a question of self-preservation and of
not resisting those who are far stronger
than you are. Melians. But we know that the
fortune of war is sometimes more impartial
than the disproportion of numbers might lead
one to suppose; to submit is to give ourselves
over to despair, while action still preserves
for us a hope that we may stand erect. Athenians.
Hope, danger's comforter, may be indulged
in by those who have abundant resources,
if not without loss at all events without
ruin; but its nature is to be extravagant,
and those who go so far as to put their all
upon the venture see it in its true colours
only when they are ruined; but so long as
the discovery would enable them to guard
against it, it is never found wanting. Let
not this be the case with you, who are weak
and hang on a single turn of the scale; nor
be like the vulgar, who, abandoning such
security as human means may still afford,
when visible hopes fail them in extremity,
turn to invisible, to prophecies and oracles,
and other such inventions that delude men
with hopes to their destruction. Melians.
You may be sure that we are as well aware
as you of the difficulty of contending against
your power and fortune, unless the terms
be equal. But we trust that the gods may
grant us fortune as good as yours, since
we are just men fighting against unjust,
and that what we want in power will be made
up by the alliance of the Lacedaemonians,
who are bound, if only for very shame, to
come to the aid of their kindred. Our confidence,
therefore, after all is not so utterly irrational.
Athenians. When you speak of the favour of
the gods, we may as fairly hope for that
as yourselves; neither our pretensions nor
our conduct being in any way contrary to
what men believe of the gods, or practise
among themselves. Of the gods we believe,
and of men we know, that by a necessary law
of their nature they rule wherever they can.
And it is not as if we were the first to
make this law, or to act upon it when made:
we found it existing before us, and shall
leave it to exist for ever after us; all
we do is to make use of it, knowing that
you and everybody else, having the same power
as we have, would do the same as we do. Thus,
as far as the gods are concerned, we have
no fear and no reason to fear that we shall
be at a disadvantage. But when we come to
your notion about the Lacedaemonians, which
leads you to believe that shame will make
them help you, here we bless your simplicity
but do not envy your folly. The Lacedaemonians,
when their own interests or their country's
laws are in question, are the worthiest men
alive; of their conduct towards others much
might be said, but no clearer idea of it
could be given than by shortly saying that
of all the men we know they are most conspicuous
in considering what is agreeable honourable,
and what is expedient just. Such a way of
thinking does not promise much for the safety
which you now unreasonably count upon. Melians.
But it is for this very reason that we now
trust to their respect for expediency to
prevent them from betraying the Melians,
their colonists, and thereby losing the confidence
of their friends in Hellas and helping their
enemies. Athenians. Then you do not adopt
the view that expediency goes with security,
while justice and honour cannot be followed
without danger; and danger the Lacedaemonians
generally court as little as possible. Melians.
But we believe that they would be more likely
to face even danger for our sake, and with
more confidence than for others, as our nearness
to Peloponnese makes it easier for them to
act, and our common blood ensures our fidelity.
Athenians. Yes, but what an intending ally
trusts to is not the goodwill of those who
ask his aid, but a decided superiority of
power for action; and the Lacedaemonians
look to this even more than others. At least,
such is their distrust of their home resources
that it is only with numerous allies that
they attack a neighbour; now is it likely
that while we are masters of the sea they
will cross over to an island? Melians. But
they would have others to send. The Cretan
Sea is a wide one, and it is more difficult
for those who command it to intercept others,
than for those who wish to elude them to
do so safely. And should the Lacedaemonians
miscarry in this, they would fall upon your
land, and upon those left of your allies
whom Brasidas did not reach; and instead
of places which are not yours, you will have
to fight for your own country and your own
confederacy. Athenians. Some diversion of
the kind you speak of you may one day experience,
only to learn, as others have done, that
the Athenians never once yet withdrew from
a siege for fear of any. But we are struck
by the fact that, after saying you would
consult for the safety of your country, in
all this discussion you have mentioned nothing
which men might trust in and think to be
saved by. Your strongest arguments depend
upon hope and the future, and your actual
resources are too scanty, as compared with
those arrayed against you, for you to come
out victorious. You will therefore show great
blindness of judgment, unless, after allowing
us to retire, you can find some counsel more
prudent than this. You will surely not be
caught by that idea of disgrace, which in
dangers that are disgraceful, and at the
same time too plain to be mistaken, proves
so fatal to mankind; since in too many cases
the very men that have their eyes perfectly
open to what they are rushing into, let the
thing called disgrace, by the mere influence
of a seductive name, lead them on to a point
at which they become so enslaved by the phrase
as in fact to fall wilfully into hopeless
disaster, and incur disgrace more disgraceful
as the companion of error, than when it comes
as the result of misfortune. This, if you
are well advised, you will guard against;
and you will not think it dishonourable to
submit to the greatest city in Hellas, when
it makes you the moderate offer of becoming
its tributary ally, without ceasing to enjoy
the country that belongs to you; nor when
you have the choice given you between war
and security, will you be so blinded as to
choose the worse. And it is certain that
those who do not yield to their equals, who
keep terms with their superiors, and are
moderate towards their inferiors, on the
whole succeed best. Think over the matter,
therefore, after our withdrawal, and reflect
once and again that it is for your country
that you are consulting, that you have not
more than one, and that upon this one deliberation
depends its prosperity or ruin. The Athenians
now withdrew from the conference; and the
Melians, left to themselves, came to a decision
corresponding with what they had maintained
in the discussion, and answered: "Our
resolution, Athenians, is the same as it
was at first. We will not in a moment deprive
of freedom a city that has been inhabited
these seven hundred years; but we put our
trust in the fortune by which the gods have
preserved it until now, and in the help of
men, that is, of the Lacedaemonians; and
so we will try and save ourselves. Meanwhile
we invite you to allow us to be friends to
you and foes to neither party, and to retire
from our country after making such a treaty
as shall seem fit to us both." Such
was the answer of the Melians. The Athenians
now departing from the conference said: "Well,
you alone, as it seems to us, judging from
these resolutions, regard what is future
as more certain than what is before your
eyes, and what is out of sight, in your eagerness,
as already coming to pass; and as you have
staked most on, and trusted most in, the
Lacedaemonians, your fortune, and your hopes,
so will you be most completely deceived."
The Athenian envoys now returned to the army;
and the Melians showing no signs of yielding,
the generals at once betook themselves to
hostilities, and drew a line of circumvallation
round the Melians, dividing the work among
the different states. Subsequently the Athenians
returned with most of their army, leaving
behind them a certain number of their own
citizens and of the allies to keep guard
by land and sea. The force thus left stayed
on and besieged the place. About the same
time the Argives invaded the territory of
Phlius and lost eighty men cut off in an
ambush by the Phliasians and Argive exiles.
Meanwhile the Athenians at Pylos took so
much plunder from the Lacedaemonians that
the latter, although they still refrained
from breaking off the treaty and going to
war with Athens, yet proclaimed that any
of their people that chose might plunder
the Athenians. The Corinthians also commenced
hostilities with the Athenians for private
quarrels of their own; but the rest of the
Peloponnesians stayed quiet. Meanwhile the
Melians attacked by night and took the part
of the Athenian lines over against the market,
and killed some of the men, and brought in
corn and all else that they could find useful
to them, and so returned and kept quiet,
while the Athenians took measures to keep
better guard in future. Summer was now over.
The next winter the Lacedaemonians intended
to invade the Argive territory, but arriving
at the frontier found the sacrifices for
crossing unfavourable, and went back again.
This intention of theirs gave the Argives
suspicions of certain of their fellow citizens,
some of whom they arrested; others, however,
escaped them. About the same time the Melians
again took another part of the Athenian lines
which were but feebly garrisoned. Reinforcements
afterwards arriving from Athens in consequence,
under the command of Philocrates, son of
Demeas, the siege was now pressed vigorously;
and some treachery taking place inside, the
Melians surrendered at discretion to the
Athenians, who put to death all the grown
men whom they took, and sold the women and
children for slaves, and subsequently sent
out five hundred colonists and inhabited
the place themselves.
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Evans Experientialism 
