TOWARD A DYNAMIC CONCEPTION OF OUSIA
RETHINKING AN ARISTOTELIAN LEGACY
PROF. CHRISTOPHER P. LONG
New School for Social Research Dept. of Philosophy
Richard Stockton College Pomona, NJ
Email: longc@stockton.edu Web
Site: http://www.stockton.edu/~longc
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This paper is an initial attempt to develop
a dynamic conception of being which is not
anarchic. It does this by returning to Aristotle
in order to begin the process of reinterpreting
the meaning of ousia, the concept according
to which western ontology has been determined.
Such a reinterpretation opens up the possibility
of understanding the dynamic nature of ontological
identity and the principles according to
which this identity is established. The development
of the notions of energeia, dynamis and entelecheia
in the middle books of Aristotle's Metaphysics
will be discussed in order to suggest that
there is a dynamic ontological framework
at work in Aristotle's later writing. This
framework lends insight into the dynamic
structure of being itself, a structure which
does justice as much to the concern for continuity
through change as it does to the moment of
difference. The name for this conception
of identity which affirms both continuity
and novelty is "legacy." This paper
attempts to apprehend the meaning of being
as legacy.
There is perhaps no idea in the history of
western ontology with a more powerful legacy
than Aristotle's conception of ousia. Traditionally
construed, "ousia" stands for the
primary, foundational principle of being.
It can be said that ontology has historically
been ousiology - the search for ultimate
foundations. In this quest for ultimates,
the ousia names the absolute arche, the foundational
principle that reigns over and orders all
being. The political tone of this formulation
is intentional; it is designed to frame the
ontological question concerning the meaning
of ousia in ethico-political terms. The impetus
behind this strategy is to suggest that western
ontology has been largely determined by an
authoritarian tendency that seeks to establish
a single ultimate principle in order to secure
a firm and certain foundation. On the one
hand, this authoritarian tendency may be
traced back to Aristotle, for ousia is precisely
such a hegemonic principle; on the other
hand, Aristotle also suggests another conception
of ousia, one that can be drawn upon in the
attempt to resist this authoritarian tendency.
In what follows, I trace both the authoritarian
and this resistant conception ousia in Aristotle.
Aristotle's Authoritarian Ontology
To apply the political term "authoritarian"
to an ontological account may at first seem
to be a simple category mistake. However,
this first impression fails to recognize
that many of the terms that have come to
take on exclusively ontological meaning are
saturated with ethical and political connotations:
for example, "arche" means "ruler"
and "political office" as well
as "beginning" and "principle;"(1)
"ousia," can mean "property"
or "that which is one's own," as
well as "being" or "substance"
(Liddell and Scott
1968, 1274-5);(2) even the term "katagoria,"
from which we derive "category,"
has political significance insofar as it
means to accuse someone of being something
or other in a public place (agora).(3) From
its beginning, ontology has always intimately
related to ethics and politics.
The authoritarian tendency in Aristotle's
ontology is perhaps most perspicuous in book
XII of the Metaphysics, where he turns his
attention to the highest, most honored and
most authoritative principle of all, the
principle that provides his ontology with
its ultimate order: the first immovable mover
(to proton kinoun akineton) (1074a37). The
political nature of this conception can hardly
be questioned. In a famous passage at the
end of book XII, Aristotle establishes an
analogy between this highest principle and
the general of an army. Here, he asks if
the whole has the highest good as something
existing separately by itself or in the order
of its parts:
Or does it have it in both ways, as in the
case of an army? For in an army goodness
exists both in the order and in the general,
and rather in the general; for it is not
because of the order that he exists, but
the order exists because of him (1075a13-16).(4)
The order of the universe is like that of
the army; it is ultimately dependent upon
the authority of the first mover, the general
of the universe. There are two basic characteristics
of the first mover that testify to this absolute
authority. The first is its causality, the
way in which it orders; the second is its
absolute autonomy.
Assimilation
Aristotle explicitly grants only one kind
of causality to the first mover: the kind
of final causality endemic to the desired
object (1072b3-4).(5) For the most part in
Aristotle there is no movement without some
counter-movement (Ross 1924, II, 374).(6)
However, the causality of the desired object
is an exception, for it is capable of moving
others towards it without itself being affected
in any manner. It is this asymmetry, the
lack of reciprocity that causes Aristotle
to characterize the first mover as an object
of desire (to orekton) and thought (to noeton),
for such objects cause movement without themselves
being moved (1072a26-28). The nature of this
causality may be designated as "assimilation,"
for all being desires to be like the highest
principle, and this desire brings the world
into conformity. Thus, the first mover gives
the world its order by being that for the
sake of which (hou heneka) everything moves
- nothing escapes the influence of its assimilating
force. It is the ultimate principle, the
one authority towards which all is ordered
(1075a19-20).
Autonomy
Closely related to Aristotle's conception
of the causality of the first mover is his
understanding of its manner of existence.
The first mover is understood to be pure
activity
(entelecheia), devoid of all potentiality;
for if the first mover was in any sense potential,
not only would it be possible for it not
to exist (1050b7-ff.), but also, its very
existence would wear it out, for it would
constantly need to overcome its potency (1074b28-9).
This lack of potentiality indicates both
the autonomy of the first mover and its absolute
authority; for there is no other principle
that can challenge it. In order to secure
this absolute status for the first mover,
Aristotle has to argue for its immateriality,
for matter presents a challenge to the authority
of the first principle. Thus, Aristotle states
in no uncertain terms:
But things which are many in number have
matter; for the formula is one and the same
for the many, as in the case of the formula
(logos) of a man, while Socrates is only
one. But the primary essence has no matter,
for it is actuality [to de ti en einai ouk
echei hylen to proton, entelecheia gar].
Thus, the first immovable mover is one both
in formula and number; and so that which
is always and continuously in motion is only
one (1074b34-39).
This passage is important for two reasons:
first it expresses Aristotle's unequivocal
position that the first mover is utterly
devoid of matter. This allows him to affirm
the simplicity of the first principle and
thus, its authority; for once matter is rejected,
there is no other principle that can possibly
challenge or resist its absolute hegemony.
The second important dimension of this passage
is the manner in which it distinguishes between
the identity of the first mover and the identity
of Socrates. Socrates is one because of his
matter, that is, his matter individualizes
him (1034a7), even though he has one and
the same definition (logos) in common with
that from whom he came. However, the first
mover is singular, it does not share its
logos with anything else. Here, Aristotle
employs the terms "to ti en einai"
and "entelecheia" to designate
the sort of identity endemic to the first
mover. While these terms ostensibly suggest
the dynamic nature of the first mover, the
virtue of this ultimate principle for Aristotle
lies in its static nature - that it can cause
motion without itself being moved, that it
is eternal, separate and constantly present.
Only in this way, it seems, does Aristotle
think it is possible to account for the ultimate
order of things.
However, in the middle books of the Metaphysics
Aristotle also employs the terminology of
"to ti en einai" and "entelecheia"
to determine the nature of the identity of
sensible ousiai like Socrates or Callias.
The equivocal use of these terms opens up
the space for a different conception of identity,
one that genuinely deserves to be called
"dynamic" because it refuses to
reduce all being to a single immovable principle.
Here, no absolute ultimate is possible, for
the nature of the identity of sensible ousiai
must be such as to allow for change, and
specifically for generation and corruption.
Aristotle's Dynamic Ontology
In the middle books of the Metaphysics, Aristotle
develops the vocabulary of "to ti en
einai" in order to account for the identity
of sensible substances. While this formulation
gains pride of place in traditional western
ontology by means of its Latin translation,
"essentia," the simple term "essence"
fails to capture the nuances of Aristotle's
Greek. Specifically, the Latin translation
obfuscates the historical dimension of to
ti en einai. I will emphasize this dimension
of the term so as to suggest a more dynamic
understanding of the Aristotelian eidos,
an understanding that, when combined with
the teaching that matter must be recognized
along with form as a determining factor in
the identity of sensible beings, can be exploited
in the attempt to establish a conception
of identity that resists the authoritarian
tendency. Rather than locating the ultimate
ground of his ontology in the static figure
of the immovable mover, here Aristotle attempts
to think the being of sensible ousiai dynamically
as the relation between form and matter.
The Historical Dimensions of to ti en einai
The formulation "to ti en einai"
is historical in two senses. First, it implicitly
points to the legacy of Socrates, and thus,
to an important moment in Aristotle's own
philosophical history. Aristotle names Socrates
as the originator of the way of thinking
designated by this formulation. It was he
who was the first to seek the "ti esti,"
the "what is it?" or definition
of things to which the most appropriate answer
was given by telling the ti en einai - the
"what it was for something to be."
Each time Aristotle recognizes Socrates as
the first to seek universal definitions in
this manner, he is at pains to differentiate
the Socratic position from that of the Platonists.
Thus he writes: "But Socrates did not
posit the universals as separate, nor the
definitions; these thinkers [namely the Platonists]
regarded them as being about other things,
separate from sensible things, and called
such things 'Ideas'" (1078b30-32).(7)
This difference was, for Aristotle, vital;
for while he follows his teacher, Plato,
by affirming the ontological significance
of forms, he does not believe that these
forms exist in strict separation from the
sensible beings for which they are ontologically
responsible. This hesitation to affirm absolute
separation already hints at the possibility
of looking to Aristotle's account of sensible
substance for a view different from and opposed
to the authoritarian ontology of the first
mover.
The second sense in which "to ti en
einai" must be understood as historical
is announced by the little word "en."
The precise explanation of this, the imperfect
form of the verb einai, "to be,"
has been the object of much speculation.
Many argue that it is to be understood as
the so-called "philosophical imperfect"
which indicates an ontological priority rather
than a temporal distinction (Frede and Patzig
1988: I, 35).(8) While I agree with the basic
tenor of this position and affirm that the
imperfect indicates a certain sort of ontological
priority, the historical dimension of the
word must not be denied; for it is precisely
this historical element which gives the concept
to ti en einai its ontological significance.
Those beings that have a to ti en einai,
an essence, are historical beings; they are
beings with histories. Thus, part of the
answer to the what is it? question is sought
in the to ti en einai, the "what-it-was-for-something-to-be."
If this ambiguous reference to the historical
past by means of the imperfect endemic to
the term to ti en einai is permitted to be
held, the philosophical significance of to
ti en einai comes into focus: it points to
the preservation of what has come before
in the very existence of the being itself.
What it means for an ousia to be is to exist
as this being with this history. This historical
dimension is completely lacking in Aristotle's
authoritarian ontology, for the first mover
is absolutely ahistorical, it neither comes
to be nor passes away.
The Irreducibility of Matter
Aristotle's ability to affirm the absolute
presence of the first mover is based upon
his explicit rejection of the possibility
that it has matter. With matter comes the
possibility to be otherwise. To introduce
such a possibility into the highest principle
is to undermine its absolute authority. The
impetus behind Aristotle's unequivocal rejection
of matter is an unwillingness to challenge
this authority, a challenge that would call
into question the very order of things. However,
it is otherwise with sensible substances,
for by nature sensible beings come to be
and pass away. This is because sensible beings
have matter by nature, that is to say, they
are like the snub: the what it was for them
to be, their ti en einai, includes matter
(1026a1-5).(9) In Metaphysics VII, 7-9 Aristotle
takes up the question of the ti en einai
of generated beings.(10) What is important
about these and the chapters which follow,
namely VII, 10-11, is that they affirm the
irreducibility of matter in the attempt to
offer a definition of such beings. Nowhere
is this stated more clearly than in VII,
11, when Aristotle writes: "Thus, to
lead all things up to a higher level (anagein)
and to take away the matter is a useless
effort [periergon], for surely some things
exist as a this in a that or as having that
in such a manner" (1036b22-25).(11)
In denying that generated ousiai can be defined
exclusively in terms of form, Aristotle hints
at a conception of ontological identity fundamentally
different from that offered in this discussion
of the first mover. Whereas he had established
the ultimate authority of the immovable mover
by unequivocally rejecting the material principle,
here he affirms the decisive role the material
principle plays in establishing the ontological
identity of sensible ousiai. The structure
of such a conception of identity is fundamentally
different from that of the identity of the
first mover, for by affirming the material
principle, Aristotle attempts to think identity
in terms of the irreducible tension of the
relation between form and matter. Matter
resists assimilation; it is that principle
in Aristotle that cannot be co-opted by the
ultimate authority. It alone stands against
the hegemony of the absolute eidos.(12) The
nature of a conception of identity that holds
the tension between form and matter is dynamic
in a deeper way than is the identity of the
first mover which moves others while remaining
itself unmoved. In the former conception
neither principle remains unaffected and
yet a strong identity arises; for indeed,
Aristotle has always understood beings like
Socrates and Callias as having a very strong
identity.(13)
Dynamic Identity
Aristotle considers the problem of the identity
of such individuals at the end of Metaphysics
VIII, when he asks "What is it, then,
that makes a man one, and why is he one and
not many .?" (1045a14-15). He then suggests
that if form and matter are reinterpreted
as actuality (energeia) and potentiality
(dynamis) respectively (1045a23-25) and if
the ti en einai of each being is understood
to be the cause of its identity (1045a30-35)
a possible answer emerges. Once this reinterpretation
is established, Aristotle asserts that: "[.]
each thing is a kind of unity, and potentiality
and actuality taken together exist somehow
[pos] as one"
(1045b16-23). These are strange words indeed!
Obviously much is riding on this little word
pos, "somehow." Indeed, the project
of book IX may be conceived as an attempt
to determine the precise nature of this pos,
that is, it is an attempt to think the meaning
of ousia as the dynamic identity between
form and matter, energeia and dynamis.
In order to explain this identity, Aristotle
establishes the distinction between a motion
(kinesis) and an activity (energeia, entelecheia).
He indicates that the structure of kinesis
provides only an analogy for the way form
and matter are to be thought together.(14)
According to Aristotle, building a house,
losing weight, or learning from a teacher
are examples of motion because the end of
each motion remains external to the motion
itself - such motions are essentially incomplete
(1048b25-ff.).(15) Thus, once the process
of building a house is completed, its end
has been reached and the motion comes to
a stop, it ceases to be. During the process
itself, its end exists only externally, in
the mind of the builder. Thus, the beginning
(arche) and end (telos) of the process provide
the two static positions according to which
the motion is determined. On this model,
the identity of potentiality and actuality
is not thought - for so long as the bricks
and stones lie in a heap, they are only potentially
a house, however, once the process of building
is completed, the house exists in actuality
and no longer in potentiality.
In contrast to this model, Aristotle offers
the notion of activity or action which is
variously designated in Greek by the words
energeia, entelecheia, and praxis:
[.] since that which loses weight while in
motion does not have that for the sake of
which its motion exists, such an action is
not an action [praxis], or at least it is
not complete, for it is not an end. But the
end and action belong to that other kind.
For example, one is seeing and at the same
time one has seen [eorake], and one is engaged
in acts of prudence and one has been so engaged
[pephoke] [.]. Also, one lives well and at
the same time has lived well, and one is
happy and at the same time has been happy.
If not, the action should have come to an
end sometime, as in the process of losing
weight (1048b20-30).(16)
The difference between a motion, like that
of losing weight, and an action or activity,
like living, is that a motion tends towards
an external end, while an activity has not
only its end (telos), but its beginning,
its arche, its principle, in itself. Thus,
Aristotle attempts to think arche and telos
together by means of the notion of praxis,
action.(17) Praxis has, then, a profound
ontological significance insofar as it provides
Aristotle with a model by which to think
being the active identity of potentiality
and actuality, of matter and form. Ousia,
as praxis, is the identity of energeia and
dynamis as expressed in the activity of the
existing being itself. Aristotle also uses
the term "entelecheia" to name
this sort of identity. The use of that term
here is at odds with the designation of the
identity of the first mover as an entelecheia
without matter (1073a34-39), for here, entelecheia
is used to think the active identity of form
and matter, energeia and dynamis.(18)
Interestingly, this sort of activity is thematized
in terms of the strange formulation that
places the perfect tense of a verb next to
an iteration of the same verb in the present
tense: the same thing has seen and is seeing,
has lived and is living. The significance
of this formulation may be apprehended if
the historical dimension of to ti en einai
is recalled, for here, as there, Aristotle's
use of verb tense in this manner emphasizes
a point of deep ontological significance:
the identity of generated beings is historical,
or to put it more accurately: an ousia is
its history. The perfect tense at work in
this strange formulation should be understood
to suggest the preservation of the historical
element in the active life of the living
being. However, by placing this perfect form
of the verb next to the present tense, Aristotle
emphasizes the unity of the past and the
present in the activity itself. On this model,
to be is to exist as the active identity
of past and present, it is to be determined
by the past, but not exclusively so; for
there remains in this formulation an explicit
emphasis on the action of the present, an
activity that injects the structure of identity
with a dimension of openness and even freedom.
To think ousia as praxis is to hold the tension
between past and present; it is to recognize
that the past determines the present, but
that the present also continually re-determines
and re-creates itself, thus preserving and
transcending that which has come before for
the sake of that which is to be.(19) This
is the activity of being.
The Legacy of ousia
Therefore, in Aristotle's philosophy, we
find, on the one hand, what may be considered
a strong authoritarian ontology in which
the absolute hegemony of the first principle
reigns supreme, establishing order without
itself being affected in the slightest. On
the other hand, there are the hints at an
other ontology, one that affirms the irreducibility
of matter and attempts to think the identity
of the individual in terms of the relation
between energeia and dynamis, form and matter.
Aristotle's ultimate concern to account for
order is the impetus behind his assertion
of the former, authoritarian position. Such
thetic assertions have determined the history
of western ontology, a history with a legacy
of despotism and oppression. However, Aristotle's
concern to account for the identity of sensible
ousiai suggests the possibility of tracing
a different legacy, one that is dialogical
rather than despotic, open rather than oppressive.
This other conception of ontological identity
is underdeveloped by Aristotle, but it is
nonetheless discernible.
I would like to use the rather enigmatic
phrase "ousia is legacy" to designate
this other ontology. Here the term "legacy"
must be taken in a technical sense. On the
one hand, "legacy" affirms the
power of the historical past in the present.
It indicates that the present is saturated
with a history that fundamentally determines
it. This dimension of ousia as legacy is
expressed by the historical nature of to
ti en einai. Here the power and significance
of that which has come before is affirmed
- the aspect of continuity through change,
of order, is emphasized and with it one of
Aristotle's deepest concerns. On the other
hand, the term "legacy" includes
a futural element which, in fact, is not
explicitly developed by Aristotle, but which
nonetheless is of decisive importance if
this dynamic conception of identity is not
itself to fall into a dangerous sort of determinism.
Legacy is never something once and for all
complete, but rather, it is continually in
the process of being determined and re-determined,
inherited and handed down. It is the irreducibility
of matter, its resistance to the absolute
hegemony of the first mover, that gives this
account its openness. By holding on to the
tension of the relation between form and
matter, energeia and dynamis, ousia as legacy
holds open the possibility of new beginnings
and therewith of a certain sort of freedom.
The freedom endemic to this understanding
of being, however, is not without its loyalties;
for it is a freedom born of the history that
determines it. With this, the full ontological
and ethical/political significance of the
phrase "ousia is legacy" begins
to come into focus: the very meaning of being
is to exist as the expression of the dynamic
play between history and freedom, energeia
and dynamis, form and matter; it is to hold
onto the tension of this relationship and
to resist ascribing absolute authority to
one ultimate principle.
NOTES
(1) Aristotle himself outlines the different
senses of "arche" in Metaphysics
5, 1, 1012b34-ff. Reiner Schürmann emphasizes
that Aristotle was the first to bring two
senses of arche, namely that of inception
and that of domination, together (Schürmann
1987, 97). Fred Miller, Jr. points to the
various political meanings of arche (Miller
1995, 145).
(2) Heidegger too recognized the "pre-philosophical"
use of the term (Heidegger 1976, 330). For
a discussion of the significance of some
of the different connotations of the term,
see Long 1998, 372-ff.
(3) Heidegger emphasizes public dimension
of the accusation (Heidegger 1976, 322).
For the meaning of "katagoria"
as "to accuse," see Liddell and
Scott
1968, 926-7.
(4) All citations from Aristotle are taken
from Apostle 1979. Where noted, Apostle's
translation has been amended in consultation
with the Oxford Classical Text edited by
Jaeger.
(5) See too, Owens 1978, 443.
(6) Cf. G. A. 768b18.
(7) See too 987b1-ff: "Now Socrates
was engaged in the study of ethical matters,
but not at all in the study of nature as
a whole, yet in ethical matters he sought
the universal and was the first to fix his
thought on definitions. Plato, on the other
hand, taking into account the thought of
Socrates, came to the belief that, because
sensible things are always in a state of
flux, such inquires were concerned with other
things and not with the sensibles; for there
can be no common definition of sensible things
when these are always changing." The
formulation to ti en einai was not originally
an ontological conception, rather it arose
out of the Socratic concern for ethical matters.
(8) For a thorough discussion of this term,
see Owens 1978, 180-8, although I disagree
that the term should be taken in a timeless
sense in the context of the discussion of
sensible ousiai. For a discussion of to ti
en einai as a political term, see Fritsche
1997.
(9) Michael Ferejohn makes the distinction
between the logical and the physical account
of definability in book VII, assigning VII,
4-6 to the former and VII, 7-9 to the later.
The example of the snub is precisely the
sort of case that indicates the inadequacy
of a purely logical approach to the definition
of generated beings (Ferejohn 1994:
292-ff).
(10) Although it is likely that these chapters
where inserted into book Zeta at a later
date, it is just as likely that they would
have been inserted by Aristotle himself.
Over and above the philological evidence
for this conjecture, further justification
for this belief lies in the recognition that
it is precisely generated beings that Aristotle
had always intuitively held as primary and
therefore, that a consideration of the ti
en einai of such beings would not only have
been quite appropriate, but fundamentally
necessary
(Long 1998: 116-ff.).
(11) I have amended Apostle's translation
here to emphasize the upward direction of
the movement of abstraction. Apostle has:
"And so to try to reduce all things
and to do away with matter is a useless effort,
for surely some things are of a distinct
form in a distinct matter, or they are such
subjects disposed in such-and-such a manner."
This translation has the advantage of clarifying
Aristotle's rather obscure formulation: "tod'
en toid' estin" which is correctly glossed
as ".are of a distinct form in a distinct
matter.." However, the translation of
"anagein" as "reduce"
is misleading insofar as the prefix "ana"
implies upward movement. Thus, what concerns
Aristotle here is any attempt to give an
account of generated beings by abstracting
them from their matter. The direction of
this movement is important, for it indicates
Aristotle's unwillingness, at least when
considering sensible ousiai, to sacrifice
the beings here below for the sake of establishing
a higher abstract truth. It hints at an attempt
to resist the temptation to affirm the absolute
authority of form over matter.
(12) Nicolai Hartmann suggest that matter
is the principle of "metaphysical resistance"
in Aristotle (Hartmann 1957, 242).
(13) In the Categories, Aristotle simply
assumes that individuals like Socrates or
this horse are the primary ousiai with unproblematic
identities (2a13-ff). This remains a strong
intuition throughout his thinking although
he deepens his position by introducing the
distinction between form and matter, thus
thematizing the internal structure of the
primary ousiai of the Categories (Long 1998:
47-ff.). Once this distinction is made however,
the challenge Aristotle faces is how to think
form and matter together in such a way as
to account for the strong identity of individuals.
(14) See 1045b35-ff. where Aristotle says
he will set out the normal sense of energeia
and dynamis, although it is not useful for
the present purpose. I take the "present
purpose" to be the attempt to find an
expression for the identity of the two terms.
(15) In those examples of incomplete motion
like the doctor healing himself or the person
himself trying to loose weight, the agent
acts on the patient not as itself, but as
another. The vital aspect of the model of
motion is that the agent and the patient
remain distinct, even if the agent is its
own patient (as in the case of these two
examples), there remains a distinction between
the person qua agent and the person qua patient.
See Metaphysics, IX, 1, 1046a11-26 and V,
12,
1019a20-23.
(16) I have amended the translation because
Apostle was translating the third person
singular as the first person plural, which,
although it perhaps gets at the profoundly
personal nature of this point, does not remain
faithful to the text as we have inherited
it.
(17) I emphasize Aristotle's use of the term
"praxis" here in order to suggest
the ethical/political nature of this ontological
position. Although Aristotle uses the term
"praxis" in other contexts to indicate
the activity for the sake of which something
is made (cf. P. A. I, 5, 645b15), in the
Nichomachean Ethics, "praxis" is
distinguished from "poiesis" precisely
along the lines suggested here by the difference
between kinesis and energeia (N. E. VI, 4
and 5, 1140a1-1140b20). There, as here, the
decisive difference is that the end of poiesis
is some other thing, that is, a product,
"while in the case of action there is
no other end (for a good action is itself
the end)" (1140b6-8).
(18) Given Aristotle's use of equivocation,
this difference need not concern us save
insofar as the distinction between the two
uses of it must be established, for it is
precisely what distinguishes the authoritarian
from the dynamic conception of identity.
(19) For a discussion of the futural dimension
of the term "entelecheia" in Aristotle,
see Long 1998: 182-ff.
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