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Aleksei Nikolaevich Pleshcheev
(22 November 1825 – 26 September 1893)
Alan Kimball University of Oregon
A more complete version of this essay may
be read in Dictionary of Literary Biography,
vol. 277
Russian poet, playwright, journalist, translator
and short-story writer Aleksei Nikolaevich
Pleshcheev [“pleshEHyef”] was born in Kostroma
Province located northeast of Moscow along
the Volga River. His father and mother were
noble by formal feudal social designation,
both from old aristocratic families, but
not wealthy, not even well-off. His father
was employed in the provincial civilian bureaucracy
and thus held a position on the Table of
Ranks. His mother possessed title to two
estates, one in Yaraslavl Province, upstream
from Kostroma, and the other in Nizhnii Novgorod
Province, downstream. These lands were populated
by about 400 male serfs and their families.
The title to one of these estates was unclear
and contested (therefore frozen). Together
the lands and the civil service job brought
little income to the family. Like about half
of all Russian gentry landowners, the Pleshcheevs
were dirt poor. Until near the end of his
life, Aleksei Nikolaevich had to work for
a living. Through each epoch of his life
he struggled to make ends meet.
From his earliest years a single set of circumstances
worked uniformly to shape Pleshcheev both
as social being and as writer. His family
background offered him no future. He tried
to free himself of both his noble and state-servitor
inheritance. He assumed an active and hostile
relationship to imperial traditions. He conceived
a better future for himself and, by extension,
all like-minded fellow Russians.
At 15 he was enrolled in a Saint Petersburg
military school, but dropped out. Between
his 17th and 23rd birthdays, in the years
between 1844 and 1849, he moved over to Saint
Petersburg University, and, without receiving
his degree, shifted to a life-long pursuit
of economic, social and artistic independence
from received traditions. His first stories
and verse appeared in these years when he
published in Sovremennik (Contemporary),
Biblioteka dlia chteniia (Readers Library),
and Otechestvennye zapiski
(Fatherland Notes), these the most popular
“fat journals”, as leading periodicals were
called.
As social being, as well as writer, he reacted
to the cultural policies of Emperor Nicholas
I. University students were forced in 1844,
the year of Pleshcheev’s first publications,
to sign a pledge “not to join any sort of
organization, however it might be called
and of whatever character it might be”. Yet,
self-organization seemed the only way to
a better life. The “circle” or kruzhok had
become a central feature of life among educated
Russians who sought to carve out a niche
for themselves. Failing feudal social identities
and the assignments of state power did not
meet their needs. On 8 June 1845 Pleshcheev
wrote a touching letter to the Rector of
Saint Petersburg University, asking how he
might complete his degree and prepare himself
for honorable, meaningful and useful work
as a member of society. Pleshcheev wished
to proceed at his own pace under what his
1846 poem “Vpered!” (Forward) called “the
banner of learning”, not under the flag of
barracks-tsar Nicholas. The Rector was at
a loss for words, even though he had earlier
recognized Pleshcheev’s literary talent and
guided him toward his first publications.
From the beginning his poems had a way of
lodging themselves in the Russian imagination.
They were written in memorable, clear, “sincere”
or everyday language. He struck no evident
pose, often seemed naive or feckless in his
resolute optimism, as in his most popular
poem “Vpered!”.
Move ahead! without fear or doubt To a valiant
victory, my friends!
(Vpered! bez strakhi i somnen’ia Na podvig
doblestnyi, druz’ia!)
His writings never wanted for a readership.
From the beginning the central personae of
his verse were more often “we” and “us” than
“I” and “me”. The industrious and enlightened
professional, freely inter-relating with
colleagues, that was his literary life, and
that was also his personal ideal. That defined
his audience.
Pleshcheev drifted away from the university
and into various kruzhoks that were later
given the collective name “Petrashevtsy”.
Pleshcheev’s action was in direct contradiction
to the 1844 pledge, perhaps inspired in defiance
of the pledge. He now sought a life in literature,
a life he always equated with human fellowship.
The university in the time of Nicholas did
not provide that. Independent, learned people
in association with one another seemed to
Pleshcheev the quintessence of community
and the promise of a better future for his
homeland.
Working with fellow members of his kruzhok,
he traveled to Moscow to acquaint himself
more closely with conditions of life there,
and to establish productive literary ties.
On
26 March 1849 he dispatched a remarkable
report to fellow kruzhok member Sergei Durov
back in Saint Petersburg, describing the
civic culture of the old capital. This letter
was rich with commentary on organized cultural
life and served as evidence against him after
he was arrested later that year.
As a result of arrest, one day in Pleshcheev’s
long life stands out above all others. It
was a snowy 22 December 1849, on the outskirts
of the imperial capital Saint Petersburg.
He was placed before a firing squad. He was
only twenty-four. He was about to be executed,
along with other Petrashevtsy. A fellow convict,
Nikolai Kashkin, extended his hand to say
goodbye for the last time, “We’ve proceeded
under the banner of learning, so in that
spirit we will offer one another our hands”
(My shli pod znamenem nauki, tak podadim
drug drugu ruki). Kashkin borrowed from the
then-famous poem “Vpered!”. The critical
concept “nauka” (scholarship, science, learning)
defined a precious commodity in traditional,
rural Russia.
And let our union grow strong Under the banner
of learning
(I pust’ pod znamenem nauki Soiuz nash krepnet
i rastet)
These journalists, writers and translators
were going to their deaths “under the banner
of learning”, for writing, reading and listening
in groups to the recitation of texts unacceptable
to the tsarist state. They were punished
for organizing themselves, that is, for abandoning
their sovereign in favor of voluntary association.
Russian law, as expressed in the 1844 pledge,
considered volunteerism a desertion of official
duty. In groups of three they were administered
last rites. In Pleshcheev’s group of condemned
prisoners stood his close associate Durov
who had recently resigned from state service
in the Naval Ministry in order to seek his
fortune as freelance writer. The third was
the recently resigned army officer Fyodor
Dostoevsky, at the earliest beginnings of
his literary career. Their eyes were taped
shut. They heard the first words of the infamous
command, “ready, aim”....
An officer was instructed to intervene at
the last moment to announce that sentences
had been commuted to exile in distant trans-Volga
outposts. Pleshcheev was sent to the edge
of the Bashkir steppes in Orenburg for a
decade. Through most of this time he was
sentenced to serve in the military, that
is, he was forced back under the banner of
the tsar.
He managed to keep his hand in literary endeavors
in these years of exile. He was never what
would ordinarily be called a “political activist”.
He was an independent-minded, professional
writer, and that just happened to have serious
political implications in his world. Nor
were all his writings devoted to civic themes.
He wrote affective love lyrics as well. In
October 1857 he married Elikonida Aleksandrovna
Rudneva, and the verses he wrote to her are
among his most tender. For example, “Toboi
lish’ iasny dni moi...” (You alone bring
light to my days...), “Kogda tvoi krotkii,
iasnyi vzor...” (When your tender, clear
gaze...) combine two longings, one the love
for Elikonida, the other the pain of exile.
His biographer Liubov’ Pustil’nik draws attention
to the close affinity of Pleshcheev’s socially
conscious poetry and his love lyrics. The
reader confronts in these otherwise different
verses the same simplicity and directness
of language, the same motifs and tropes.
The two sorts of poem work in the same way.
Pleshcheev thus helped give expression to
a characteristic idea or attitude, an inclination
of mind often met among educated Russians
at mid-century. At some vital center of individual
experience, freedom and love flourished together,
or were blighted together. Personal and public
associations were bonded by a kindred affection.
Authentic, honest, “sincere” friendship and
love in pairs or small groups easily contrasted
with the contrived formalism of imperial
life, and prefigured a larger harmonious
social order. Poems to his wife eloquently
expressed the compounded qualities of love
and civic virtue.
In the mid-1850s students at Kazan University
adopted as their anthem another popular Pleshcheev
poem, now put to music. It opened:
By instinct you and I are brothers, We believe
alike in redemption, And to our grave we’ll
not cease To resist the scourge of our native
land.
(Po chuvstvam brat’ia my s toboi, My v iskuplen’e
verim oba, I budem my pitat’ do groba Vrazhdu
k bicham strany rodnoi.)
These words signaled a rejection of status
by birth or by state imposition. They embraced
self-designed and instinctive identity, a
redemption (rebirth) perhaps of the whole
nation via “elective affinities”.
In 1859 Pleshcheev was allowed to live and
work in Moscow. Like Dostoevsky, who was
also freed in these months, Pleshcheev now
planned again to make a life for himself
in literature and journalism. He scraped
together funds and became partner in a venture
to publish the four-volume works of popular
writer Ivan Turgenev. He came into possession
of a printing press. His writings again began
to appear. He supplemented his own creations
with welcome translations of George Byron,
Victor Hugo, Heinrich Heine, and Taras Shevchenko,
as well as other English, French, German
and Ukrainian writers. In another partnership
he founded the journal Moskovskii vestnik
(Moscow Messenger).
He wrote about what he knew. His short stories,
such as “Pashintsev” and “Dve kar’ery” (Two
Careers) (1859), concentrated on the theme
of good-hearted youths, such as himself,
at the beginning of full and productive lives,
ready to serve their nation. His heroes regularly
met obstacles. The conventions and habits
of imperial life dashed their hopes.
These themes were highlighted in the most
widely read reviews of his work. In the July
1860 issue of Sovremennik the critic Nikolai
Dobroliubov accented Pleshcheev’s social
significance. He was glad to see that Pleshcheev’s
heroes were not “superfluous men” in the
romantic tradition of the day. They were
not posturing, tragicomic “heroes of our
time” like Mikhail Lermontov’s Pechorin (1840).
They were not defeated dandies like Turgenev’s
Rudin (1855). Pashintsev and other Pleshcheev
characters more clearly exposed the source
of Russian stagnancy, said Dobroliubov, precisely
because they were just ordinary youths prepared
to make their way in this life. Dobroliubov
expressed the situation with a Pleshcheevan
metaphor from daily experience: “On all sides
they hear the invitation: come to dinner.
And they go. That’s all there is to it”.
They set out in this way, but powerful forces
from on high denied them their sustenance.
Do not blame the poor dispirited heroes,
said Dobroliubov, look upward to movers and
shapers of Russian life.
Dobroliubov was sensitive to the blend of
love and civic virtue in Pleshcheev. He summed
up his critique by drawing on “Dve kar’ery”,
where Pleshcheev suggested a parallel between
ludicrous Platonic love and dreamy, “romantic”
behavior in general. Dobroliubov took this
lesson from Pleshcheev: What we need in life
as well as in love is actual, direct, simple
action.
In the March 1861 issue of Sovremennik the
poet Mikhail Mikhailov praised Pleshcheev’s
inspiring and straight-forward appeals to
everyday action. Mikhailov contrasted Pleshcheev’s
verse with the verse of Apollon Maikov and
Lev Mei whom he called lyrical and dreamy.
In 1860 Pleshcheev became active in two large
volunteer organizations of intellectuals
and professionals. The first was in Moscow
where he lived, Obshchestvo liubitelei rossiiskoi
slovesnosti pri Imperatorskom Moskovskom
Universitete (Amateur Society of Russian
Letters at Imperial Moscow University). The
second was up in Saint Petersburg where some
of his most important associates lived, Obshchestvo
dlia posobiia nuzhdaiushchimsia literatoram
i uchenym (Society for the Aid of Needy Writers
and Scholars, or Litfond for short). Litfond
inspired him in life and in literature, because
it was the largest volunteer association
of its kind ever in Russia. Many more hands
now lifted the banner of learning, and it
was a diverse and stable cross-section of
educated society.
Pleshcheev was elected to membership at the
same time as a high ranking War Ministry
state servitor and Governor-General of Orenburg
(Pleshcheev’s place of recent exile) and
Samara provinces. In some small way, Pleshcheev
felt the world was being set right. In a
private letter to the Governor of Saratov
Province, Egor Baranovskii, on
19 February 1860 he described the event with
a touch of humor, hinting that it might represent
a miniature French Revolutionary victory
in Russia:
A few days ago they elected me and also His
Most Esteemed Excellency A. A. Katenin. What
sort of equality is this? ... the most negligible
of mortals and one of the most powerful men
on this earth--members of one and the same
society.... Furthermore our names together
beautified one and the same column of the
newspaper. It was good however that my name
begins with a “P” or I might unfortunately
have been printed higher than him. O? allons
nous, o? allons nous.
Litfond suited Pleshcheev because it loosened
the lingering double grip on Russian life
exercised by moribund feudal social estates
and the Table of Ranks in civilian, military
and church bureaucracies. Pleshcheev’s life
and work challenged these standard social/service
hierarchies, and now Litfond promised reconstruction
of spontaneous and natural social relations.
It promoted independence for learned professionals.
It was an organization created by and for
public figures themselves, rather than by
officials.
In another letter to Baranovskii on 25 April
1860, Pleshcheev bragged about how bold and
democratic Litfond was. It granted pensions
to the seventy-year-old son of Aleksandr
Radishchev, one of the original martyrs “under
the banner of learning”, who was exiled for
expressing himself freely in the 1790s, and
to Baron Vladimir Shteingel, a famous democrat
among the Decembrist conspirators of 1825.
Pleshcheev noted that money poured into the
Litfond treasury for the most part not from
the “rich and famous” but from fellow cultural
professionals. “The poor are helping the
poor”. Marching under the banner of learning,
they now offered one another a hand.
Pleshcheev was one of those poor. When he
had a little money he managed it clumsily.
He often offered money to others in loosely
enforced loans that he could ill afford.
Dostoevsky failed to repay one sizable loan
offered to help him back from Siberian exile.
Belles lettres and journalism were not hobbies,
not a gentleman’s diversion. They were an
avocation. His professional livelihood provided
narrow escape from the impoverishment of
his noble estate, but also from the moral
bankruptcy of the whole tsarist social system.
The well-born were positioned on the backs
of unfree labor, and even after serf emancipation
(1861) the Russian political economy discouraged
private/public social initiative and left
young folks little option but to seek government
positions and rank in the imperial bureaucracy.
The characters in his stories, like his associates
among the Petrashevtsy in his earliest years
and in Litfond later, sought new prospects
and new identities. The themes of his life
and work continued to harmonize.
Poems written in 1861 raised issues of cultural
debt to the working classes, to those still
impoverished, for example, “O, ne zabud’,
chto ty dolzhnik” (O, don’t forget that you
are a debter), “Nishchie” (The poor). Pleshcheev
expressed with relaxed ease what proved a
complicated confrontation between an emerging
“public” and the established order of things.
His message, in clear conflict with dominant
imperial social/service hierarchies, was
not easily converted to effective action.
He was not, however, as ambitious for massive
transformation as many of his youthful readers.
His was a straightforward self-presentation;
he sought only steady progress against perceived
deficiencies of Russian life. Indeed, he
fought steadily against the one ubiquitous
deficiency in the life of the Russian writer,
censorship. Since the late 18th century,
and yet many years longer, into the early
20th century, Russian publications were subjected
to institutionalized but arbitrary bureaucratic
control through censorship. For him the struggle
against censorship was like all others, a
part of the normal, everyday pursuit of a
professional livelihood as writer and journalist,
working with like-minded associates to overcome
the forces that constrained them. As emancipation
seemed to get the gentry off the backs of
peasants, Pleshcheev and associates worked
to get an oppressive and censorious state
system off their backs.
He took an active interest in Sunday schools,
the voluntary literacy movement. These book-hungry
schools represented an economic opportunity
to him and others in the business of publishing.
In 1861 he invested in Nikolai Serno-Solov’evich’s
profitable empire-wide publishing and distribution
venture. He sought ways to exercise his talents
so as to “do well and do good”, that is,
to make a personal living and contribute
to the larger process of change initiated
by the reform epoch.
Throughout his life he made fast friends
with a wide variety of people. His liberty,
equality and brotherhood were but natural
expressions of an attractive and garrulous
personality. He was on close terms with the
Governor of Saratov Province, Ukrainian poet
Taras Shevchenko, shady student activist
Vsevolod Kostomarov, Moscow entrepreneur
Dmitrii Chizhov, and nearly every member
of the Moscow and Petersburg theatrical communities.
He assumed the duties of Litfond commissioner
in Moscow and sided with the Litfond liberals
against a stodgy and increasingly statist
(pro-monarchical, anti-liberal) Moscow cultural
elite. He served as a counterpoise to publisher
Mikhail Katkov, who was becoming a hireling
of the state, a journalist/promoter of government
projects. He criticized law professor Boris
Chicherin, who took a leading role among
academics to resist the university independence
movement among students and faculty. In a
letter written 6 November 1861 he conceded
that the university movement had its foolish
side, but Chicherin should not have addressed
students as he did, offending them with “such
flabby fiddle-faddle all dressed up in war-surplus
britches, with vague places and twaddle,
doctrinal phrases! Is this the living voice
of learning – or truth?” The banner of learning
carried by Chicherin and his Muscovite associates
did not suit Pleshcheev and other Litfond
activists.
Yet, the “doctrinaire spirit” was foreign
to Pleshcheev. He praised Litfond activist
Nikolai Chernyshevsky and the other infamous
“radicals” on the staff of the journal Sovremennik
(Contemporary). That was natural enough because
Chernyshevsky published Pleshcheev’s writing.
He devoted the poem “Chestnye liudi, dorogoi
ternistoiu...” (Honorable people, a darling
with a thorn) to the Sovremennik staff. He
praised the grumpy slavophilic publicist
Ivan Aksakov and his obstreperous, eccentric
journal Den’ (Day), which also carried his
work. He liked Aksakov’s “profound outlook
on life”. In relationship to lesser Moscow
associates, said Pleshcheev, Aksakov and
his journal were as remote as the heavenly
stars.
Pleshcheev’s generous and unprepossessing
outreach got him in trouble. He sent a letter
to Mikhailov in early 1861 recommending Moscow
University student Vsevolod Kostomarov. He
never forgave himself for facilitating this
tragic association. Once introduced to leading
Petersburg figures, Kostomarov turned on
them. At police dictation, he composed an
incriminating letter, ostensibly from Chernyshevsky
to Pleshcheev, suggesting falsely that the
two were writing and printing inflammatory
proclamations. Pleshcheev saved himself from
a second arrest and possible repeat of the
1849 trauma. In the fall of 1862 a face-to-face
confrontation with Kostomarov took place
before judges in the Imperial Senate.
This trying confrontation did not save Chernyshevsky,
or any other of the scores of leading cultural
figures arrested, interrogated, and harassed
throughout the second half of 1862. Aksakov’s
Den’ was closed on government order in the
same wave of reaction that closed Chernyshevsky’s
Sovremennik in the summer of 1862. Pleshcheev’s
professional life deteriorated in the months
of state suppression that followed. His ambitious
“joint-stock” publishing enterprise came
crashing down when a partner swindled him.
His journal failed. He turned to an old acquaintance
and reviewer, Mikhail Mikhailov in Petersburg,
to ask for employment on the staff of the
vast, multi-volume Encyclopedic Dictionary,
a project of leading Litfond figures.
No mock firing squad this time, but once
again the tsarist state came down hard on
its most energetic cultural elite, just as
it had in Pleshcheev’s youth, only now on
a vaster scale. Without evidence, the Senate
found Chernyshevsky and Nikolai Serno-Solov’evich
guilty of several serious state crimes. They
were sent into exile, never to return. The
poet Mikhailov also died in political exile.
Exiled Serno’s book-trade business went into
a tailspin, and Pleshcheev lost his investment.
Personal loss echoed the public defeats.
His wife died in 1864. The Interior Ministry
literature-policeman Petr Kapnist jumped
on the wounded writer. In his annual report
for 1865, he accused Pleshcheev of laying
down a fog of German romanticism to camouflage
his skulking French socialism. His poetry
represented “a protest against current moral,
social and political structures in Russia”.
It asserted “the equality of the poor and
the rich”. It contrasted “starving poverty
with lazy and parasitic wealth”.
Pleshcheev was now forty years old. His poems
expressed his mood: “Noch’iu” (At night)
and “Tak tiazhelo, tak gor’ko mne i bol’no”
(How heavy, how bitter it is for me and painful).
He had so far failed to achieve economic
security in open public journalistic and
literary enterprise. His vaster vision seemed
a dangerous and infantile dream. Some thought
the strain of constant financial distress
had undermined his health.
He did not give up. In some ways he branched
out. He expanded on his long association
with Russian theatre. He joined playwright
Aleksandr Ostrovsky to found Artisticheskii
kruzhok (Actors circle, 1865), the first
independent professional organization of
actors, playwrights and other theatrical
professionals. He wrote plays that portrayed
the pitiful life of provincial gentry, for
example, “Shchastlivaia cheta” (The fortunate
couple, 1862), “Poputchiki” (Traveling companions,
1864). César Cui wrote an opera based on
Pleshcheev’s libretto, which in turn was
based on Heine’s William Ratcliff (1869).
Financial considerations forced him to accept
an appointment in state service. In 1872
he moved to Petersburg where he was secretary
to the editor of Otechestvennye zapiski,
one of the first “fat journals” to have published
his work a quarter century earlier. He worked
with Ostrovsky again in a further effort
to win independence from the choking patronage
of royal and grandee elites in the theatre.
They formed Obshchestvo russkikh dramaticheskikh
pisatelei i opernykh kompozitorov (The Society
of Russian Dramatic Writers and Opera Composers,
1874) and other professional theatre sodalities.
Thirteen of Pleshcheev’s plays were staged
in the Maly Theatre
(Moscow) and the Alexander Theatre (Petersburg).
His son Aleksandr began to have some success
as theatre critic. He tried his hand at a
new genre, children’s literature, still curious
about the possibilities of expanded literacy
in his homeland.
In his last years, he achieved for the first
time some personal economic comfort and was
able to travel abroad. He died in Paris.
In his will, he left 1000 rubles to Litfond,
an amount equal to the never fully repaid
Dostoevsky loan.
He carried “the banner of learning” to the
grave, and his legacy lived on. Pleshcheev’s
civic impulse has not, however, been everyone’s
cup of tea. Soviet era critic Prince Dmitry
Mirsky dismissed the verse as “flat and tiresome”,
while the poet himself was “amiable and respectable”.
Petr Veinberg’s sympathetic entry (1898)
in the first vast Russian encyclopedic dictionary,
Entsikopedicheskii slovar’, conceded that
Pleshcheev’s prose works did not escape the
ordinary, “although they do read easily and
in addition several are not without interest”.
Even Dobroliubov damned him with faint praise:
Pleshcheev can be read “without displeasure”.
Still, the poem set to music by Kazan
University
students in the 1860s, “By instinct
you and
I are brothers”, was sung well into
the twentieth
century by a wide variety of Russian
intellectuals
and professionals, at shabby student
parties
and in the comfortable privacy of fine
homes.
It was a favorite of Vladimir Lenin’s
father
who was a high ranking official in
the Education
Ministry. Victory of the Soviet Revolution
did not extinguish the need for this
song.
Other Pleshcheev poems inspired music,
especially
the lyrical works devoted to love and
nature.
The great Russian composers Peter Tchaikovski,
Artur Rubinstein and Modest Musorgsky
set
several to music. “Moi sadik” (My little
garden patch), “Noch’ proletala nad
mirom”
(Night soared above the world), “Ni
slova,
o drug moi” (No words, o, my friend)
and
more than 100 other poems were set
to music.
Authentic expression of love appears
not
to grow stale too soon. Nor does the
simple
affirmation of brotherhood (as in the
famous
French Revolutionary trinity: “liberty,
equality
and fraternity”). Pleshcheev extolled,
perhaps
even exaggerated, the virtues and pleasures
of an educated but down-to-earth “intelligentsia”
in united action. Those themes resonated
among the cultured elite in Imperial
and
Soviet Russia, and Pleshcheev expressed
them
as well as any other Russian writer.
He celebrated
the spontaneous actions of individuals
working
together in pursuit of “careers open
to talent”
rather than social-class status and
bureaucratic
rank. The verse sung by Kazan students
warned
it would not be easy. The national
scourge
must be opposed all life long, unto
the grave.
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BASICS
1967: PhD, University of Washington, History
(modern Russia, medieval Russia, Byzantium,
French Revolution)
1963: MA, University of Washington, Russian
Area Studies (modern and medieval Russian
history, Russian literature, Soviet
economy,
Marxism)
1961: BA with Honors, University of Kansas,
Political Science-International Relations
(Russian area emphasis: history, philosophy,
literature, politics and economics)
1938 December 19: Born, Yukon, Canadian County,
Oklahoma
APPOINTMENTS
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Current: Associate Professor of History |
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1995-2004: Director of the UO Russian and
East European Studies Center
(REESC) elected
by REESC in 1995 May. Founding
member since
1967; Executive Board (1968-69,
74-78), Chairman
(1973-74)
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1998-2002: Elected first Chair of the Executive
Board of the newly created UO
International
Programs Council which draws
together International
Studies, Asian Studies, European
Studies,
Latin American Studies and REESC
(these the
five degree and/or certificate-granting
international
programs on campus)
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1996-1998: Elected to UO Senate (earlier
Senate service: 1990-92 and 1977-78). Member,
Senate Rules Committee (1977-78) |
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1992-1995: Chairman, Russian Department (elected
by the Department) |
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1988 Fall: First Visiting Honors Professor
in the History Department of
The United States
Naval Academy, Annapolis. 1998
Fall: Invited
to return as member of History
Department
Review Committee
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1987 May: Fellow at the Kennan Institute
for Advanced Russian Studies
in The Woodrow
Wilson Center for International
Scholars,
Washington, DC
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1986-87: Visiting Foreign Research Scholar
at the Slavic Research Center
of Hokkaido
University, in Sapporo, Japan.
Hokkaido houses
the Japanese national Slavic
research center
which each year invites two scholars
from
around the world to join their
research faculty
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1978-84: Director, Robert Donald Clark Honors
College and Assistant Dean, College of Arts
and Sciences, UO |
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1981-82: President, Western Regional Honors
Council (WRHC), an affiliate of the National
Collegiate Honors Council (NCHC member, 1978-84) |
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1976-77: Research Specialist, attached to
the Department of History, Moscow State University,
USSR (1972-73 also) |
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1965-67: Instructor of History in the Western
Civilization Program, Stanford University |
CURRENT RESEARCH
I am writing a ca. 700 page MS which bears
the working title To Make a Better Life: The Mobilization of
Political Opposition in the Russian
Empire,
1859-1863. It is a computer-assisted study of several
dozen social organizations and their
members
in the middle of the nineteenth century,
a period called the "Era of Great
Reforms"
or "First Russian Revolutionary
Situation".
1998 November 7: Report to the Northwest
Scholars of Russian and Soviet History
and
Culture [NWS] of on one aspect of this
project,
"The Tsarist State and the Origins
of
Revolutionary Opposition in the 1860s".
1997 April 12, in Eugene OR, organized
(with
Bill Husband, OSU) the sixth semiannual
seminar
of NWS (about 80 members from British
Columbia,
Washington, Idaho, and Oregon; ca.
two dozen
attended the day-long session). Two
of the
three papers presented were by young
scholars
who received graduate training under
my direction
at UO, Roxanne Easley and Aaron Cohen
In connection with a History Department project
to bring World Wide Web opportunities
into
our classes, I am also at the beginning
of
a project to put on the internet the
datafiles
generated in the process of completing
the
project described just above. The biographical
and group datafiles amount to something
like
10 million typewriter strokes of highly
coded
data gathered from Russian libraries
and
archives. These datafiles are destined
for
this site.
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2004 Summer: Moscow, Russian Academy of Sciences
international conference on "Hierarchy
and Power", I will present
a paper on
"Political Advice from Urban
Activists
to Russian Villagers in Proclamations
of
the Great Reform Era"
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2002 Summer: Presented paper on the peasant
kabak [tavern] and emergence
of a Russian
“civil society” and worked in
the Tenishev
Archive at the Rossiiskii etnograficheskii
musei [Russian ethnographic musuem]
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1999 Fall: Research in Moscow and St. Petersburg,
Russia. Consulted with professors
Larisa
Zakharova and Boris Mironov about
chapters
from the MS described above
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1998 November 7: I presented report to the
Northwest Scholars of Russian
and Soviet
History and Culture [NWS] of
on one aspect
of this project, “The Tsarist
State and the
Origins of Revolutionary Opposition
in the
1860s”
|
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1995 Summer: In the Amsterdam Internationaal
Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis
as well
as in Pushkinskii Dom, the State
Historical
Archives, and the Public Library
in Petersburg
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1992 Summer: In the collections specified
just above, and made scholarly
excursions
to several historical sites across
northern
Russia with generous support
from the National
Endowment for the Humanities,
attached to
the St.Petersburg Ermitazh Museum
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1983-1989 (6 years): Research group devoted
to Russian provincial history,
specifically
Saratov Province. We organized
an international
conference of US and Soviet historians
at
the University of Illinois Russian
and East
European Center, July 1985, co-sponsored
by NEH. The group also met in
conjunction
with the Third World Congress
for Soviet
and East European Studies in
Washington,
DC, November, 1985. Our book
on Saratov appeared
in the fall of 1989
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I have been invited to lecture on my research
at universities and academies in the
USA,
Japan, China, Germany and Russia
Member: American Association for the Advancement
of Slavic Studies (AAASS) since 1961;
served
variously on national committees (Member
Institutions and national membership).
At
various times also maintained membership
in AHA
Member: Western Slavic Conference (since
1961)
RECENT RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS (since 1988)
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2003 Fall: "Derevenskii kabak kak vyrazhenie
russkoi grazhdanskoi obshchestvennosti,
1855-1905
gg." [The Village Tavern
as an Expression
of Russian Civil society, 1855-1905],
accepted
for publication in the Russian
Academy of
Sciences journal Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennosti [an English-language version of this article
is online]
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2003 Winter: “Aleksei Pleshcheev”, a 5000-word
essay in Dictionary of Literary Biography, volume 277 [an abbreviated version of this
article is online] |
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2003 Winter: “Who Were the Petrashevtsy?”,
a 25-page website article, selected
for linkage
on the Japan Council of Russian
and East
European Studies website
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2002 February: KIMBALL FILES website essay
“The Tsarist State and the Origins
of Revolutionary
Opposition in the 1860s” chosen
by content
selections team of ProQuest “History
online”
(England) to appear on an internet
Study
Unit page about Alexander II
of Russia
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1994: "Intelligentsia." In Peter
N. Stearns, ed., Encyclopedia of Social History. New York: Garland Publishing. Pages 355-6
[an abbreviated version of this
article is
online]
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1992: "Russkoe grazhdanskoe obshchestvo
i politicheskii krizis v epokhu
Velikikh
Reform, 1859-1863" [Russian
Civil Society
and the Political Crisis in the
Epoch of
Great Reforms, 1859-1863]. In
Larisa Zakharova,
et al., eds., Velikie reformy v Rossii 1856-1874. Moscow: Moscow State University Press. Pages
260-282 [an abbreviated version of this article
is online] |
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1992: "Alexander Herzen and the Native
Lineage of the Russian Revolution."
In Religious and Secular Forces in Late Tsarist
Russia. Edited by Charles E. Timberlake. Seattle
WA: The University of Washington
Press. Pages
105-27 and 321-7 |
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1991 Summer: "Weber and Russia."
Telos 88 (Summer 1991):187-95 (with co-author
Gary Ulmen, Associate Editor
of the journal
Telos); based on the Max Weber Gesamtausgabe devoted to the 1905 Revolution in Russia
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1990 Fall: "The Russian Peasant Obshchina in the Political Culture of the Era of Great
Reforms: A Contribution to Begriffsgeschichte." Russian History/Histoire Russe 17:259-79 [an abbreviated version of this
article is online]
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1990: "Introduction" [on the role
of women (Olga and Anna) in the
Christianization
of Rus']. In Russia and the Millennium (A.D. 988-1988). Crestwood NY: Saint Vladimir's Press. Pages
1-11 [an abbreviated version of this article
is online] |
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1989: "Conspiracy and Circumstance in
Saratov, 1859-1864." Chapter
3 (pp.
28-48) of Politics and Society in Provincial Russia:
Saratov, 1590-1917. Edited by Rex A. Wade and Scott J. Seregny.
Columbus OH: The Ohio State University
Press.
In 1991 this chapter was translated
by the
Saratov Regional History Society.
In June,
1991, the society held a conference
devoted
in part to this publication
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1989 Summer: "The Marketing of Perestroika."
Telos 80: 169-176 |
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1988: "Student Interests and Student
Politics: Kazan University before
the Crisis
of 1862." Acta Slavica Iaponica (Sapporo) 6:1-15. 1989: The Institut nauchnoi
informatsii po obshchestvennym
naukam of
the Soviet Academy of Sciences
published
a Russian-language conspectus
of this essay
in Referativnyi zhurnal: obshchestvennye nauki
za rubezhom, Series 5: "Istoriia", index 89.05.010
(Moscow:1989):46-49
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1988: "Literary Fund: from 1859 to the
Present Day." Modern Encyclopedia of Russian and Soviet
History [MERSH] 49:236-9 |
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1988: "Revolutionary Situation in Russia
(1859-1862)." MERSH 31:54-57 |
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1988: "Who Were the Petrashevtsy? A
Question Provoked by some Recent
Scholarship."
Mentalities/mentalités 5, no. 2:1-12. Featured on Slavic-Eurasian
Studies Web | Russian history
section (site
maintained by the Japan Council
of Russian
and East European Studies)
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MOST RECENT REVIEWS
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2005 [currently in process]: I. A. Khristoforov,
"Aristokraticheskaia" oppozitsiia
Velikim reformam, konets 1850
-- seredina
1870-kh gg., for the Slavic Review
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2004 Summer: Review of Peter Julicher's Renegades, Rebels and Rogues under the Tsars
(2004) for the Russian Review
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1999 review of Andrei Sinyavsky's The Russian Intelligentsia (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997),
H-NET
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PEDAGOGICAL PUBLICATIONS
RECENT RESEARCH PRESENTATIONS
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2004 Summer: "Urban Political Advice
to Potential Rural Allies in
the Era of Great
Reforms", presented to the
Moscow conference
"Ierarkhiia i vlast' v istorii
tsivilizatsii",
sponsored by the Russian Academy
of Sciences
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2002 Summer: Presented a paper on peasants
in Russian civil society at a
conference,
“Hierarchy and Power in the History
of Civilizations”,
sponsored by the Russian Academy
of Sciences
(St.Petersburg Branch).
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1999 December 11: Seminar of the Zentrum
für Vergleichende Geschichte
Europas at the
Free University of Berlin, "Geselligkeit,
Öffentlichkeit und Zivilgesellschaft:
Westeurope
und Rußland/SU im Vergleich (19./20.
Jh.)",
an invited presentation on "The
Village
Kabak [tavern] in the History
of Russian
Civil Society"
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1998 September: Annual Convention of the
American Association for the
Advancement
of Slavic Studies, organized
panel on "Russian
Civil Society in Its Infancy"
and wrote
critiques of the three papers
presented to
the panel
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1998 April 11: Fourth Annual Regional Conference
of the University of Washington
Russian,
East European, and Central Asian
Studies
[REECAS], chaired session titled
"Economic
Transitions in Russia" and
presented
paper, "Russia and Natural
Gas in a
New Era of International Commerce"
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RECENT PUBLIC AND OTHER PEDAGOGICAL PRESENTATIONS
TEACHING
Current repertoire of courses
:
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1993-1998: Foreign Language Across the Curriculum
[FLAC]. Co-designed and participated
in grant-funded
project o incorporate foreign
language (Russian)
in the university curriculum,
beyond language
departments and as supplement
to their curriculum.
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