AN ENQUIRY CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING
SECOND EDITION, 1902
DAVID HUME
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Extracted from:
ENQUIRIES CONCERNING THE HUMAN UNDERSTANDING,
AND CONCERNING THE PRINCIPLES OF MORALS,
BY DAVID HUME.REPRINTED FROM THE POSTHUMOUS
EDITION OF 1777, AND EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION,
COMPARATIVE TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND ANALYTICAL
INDEX BY L. A. SELBY-BIGGE, M. A., LATE FELLOW
OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, OXFORD.
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CONTENTS
I. Of the Different Species of Philosophy
II. Of the Origin of Ideas III. Of the Association
of Ideas IV. Sceptical Doubts Concerning
the Operations of the Understanding V. Sceptical
Solution of these Doubts VI. Of Probability
VII. Of the Idea of Necessary Connexion VIII.
Of Liberty and Necessity IX. Of the Reason
of Animals X. Of Miracles XI. Of a Particular
Providence and of a Future State XII. Of
the Academical or Sceptical Philosophy. Footnotes.
Index.
SECTION 1.
OF THE DIFFERENT SPECIES OF PHILOSOPHY.
1. Moral philosophy, or the science of human
nature, may be treated after two different
manners; each of which has its peculiar merit,
and may contribute to the entertainment,
instruction, and reformation of mankind.
The one considers man chiefly as born for
action; and as influenced in his measures
by taste and sentiment; pursuing one object,
and avoiding another, according to the value
which these objects seem to possess, and
according to the light in which they present
themselves. As virtue, of all objects, is
allowed to be the most valuable, this species
of philosophers paint her in the most amiable
colours; borrowing all helps from poetry
and eloquence, and treating their subject
in an easy and obvious manner, and such as
is best fitted to please the imagination,
and engage the affections. They select the
most striking observations and instances
from common life; place opposite characters
in a proper contrast; and alluring us into
the paths of virtue by the views of glory
and happiness, direct our steps in these
paths by the soundest precepts and most illustrious
examples. They make us feel the difference
between vice and virtue; they excite and
regulate our sentiments; and so they can
but bend our hearts to the love of probity
and true honour, they think, that they have
fully attained the end of all their labours.
2. The other species of philosophers consider
man in the light of a reasonable rather than
an active being, and endeavour to form his
understanding more than cultivate his manners.
They regard human nature as a subject of
speculation; and with a narrow scrutiny examine
it, in order to find those principles, which
regulate our understanding, excite our sentiments,
and make us approve or blame any particular
object, action, or behaviour. They think
it a reproach to all literature, that philosophy
should not yet have fixed, beyond controversy,
the foundation of morals, reasoning, and
criticism; and should for ever talk of truth
and falsehood, vice and virtue, beauty and
deformity, without being able to determine
the source of these distinctions. While they
attempt this arduous task, they are deterred
by no difficulties; but proceeding from particular
instances to general principles, they still
push on their enquiries to principles more
general, and rest not satisfied till they
arrive at those original principles, by which,
in every science, all human curiosity must
be bounded. Though their speculations seem
abstract, and even unintelligible to common
readers, they aim at the approbation of the
learned and the wise; and think themselves
sufficiently compensated for the labour of
their whole lives, if they can discover some
hidden truths, which may contribute to the
instruction of posterity.
3. It is certain that the easy and obvious
philosophy will always, with the generality
of mankind, have the preference above the
accurate and abstruse; and by many will be
recommended, not only as more agreeable,
but more useful than the other. It enters
more into common life; moulds the heart and
affections; and, by touching those principles
which actuate men, reforms their conduct,
and brings them nearer to that model of perfection
which it describes. On the contrary, the
abstruse philosophy, being founded on a turn
of mind, which cannot enter into business
and action, vanishes when the philosopher
leaves the shade, and comes into open day;
nor can its principles easily retain any
influence over our conduct and behaviour.
The feelings of our heart, the agitation
of our passions, the vehemence of our affections,
dissipate all its conclusions, and reduce
the profound philosopher to a mere plebeian.
4. This also must be confessed, that the
most durable, as well as justest fame, has
been acquired by the easy philosophy, and
that abstract reasoners seem hitherto to
have enjoyed only a momentary reputation,
from the caprice or ignorance of their own
age, but have not been able to support their
renown with more equitable posterity. It
is easy for a profound philosopher to commit
a mistake in his subtile reasonings; and
one mistake is the necessary parent of another,
while he pushes on his consequences, and
is not deterred from embracing any conclusion,
by its unusual appearance, or its contradiction
to popular opinion. But a philosopher, who
purposes only to represent the common sense
of mankind in more beautiful and more engaging
colours, if by accident he falls into error,
goes no farther; but renewing his appeal
to common sense, and the natural sentiments
of the mind, returns into the right path,
and secures himself from any dangerous illusions.
The fame of Cicero flourishes at present;
but that of Aristotle is utterly decayed.
La Bruyere passes the seas, and still maintains
his reputation: But the glory of Malebranche
is confined to his own nation, and to his
own age. And Addison, perhaps, will be read
with pleasure, when Locke shall be entirely
forgotten.
The mere philosopher is a character, which
is commonly but little acceptable in the
world, as being supposed to contribute nothing
either to the advantage or pleasure of society;
while he lives remote from communication
with mankind, and is wrapped up in principles
and notions equally remote from their comprehension.
On the other hand, the mere ignorant is still
more despised; nor is any thing deemed a
surer sign of an illiberal genius in an age
and nation where the sciences flourish, than
to be entirely destitute of all relish for
those noble entertainments. The most perfect
character is supposed to lie between those
extremes; retaining an equal ability and
taste for books, company, and business; preserving
in conversation that discernment and delicacy
which arise from polite letters; and in business,
that probity and accuracy which are the natural
result of a just philosophy. In order to
diffuse and cultivate so accomplished a character,
nothing can be more useful than compositions
of the easy style and manner, which draw
not too much from life, require no deep application
or retreat to be comprehended, and send back
the student among mankind full of noble sentiments
and wise precepts, applicable to every exigence
of human life. By means of such compositions,
virtue becomes amiable, science agreeable,
company instructive, and retirement entertaining.
Man is a reasonable being; and as such, receives
from science his proper food and nourishment:
But so narrow are the bounds of human understanding,
that little satisfaction can be hoped for
in this particular, either from the extent
of security or his acquisitions. Man is a
sociable, no less than a reasonable being:
But neither can he always enjoy company agreeable
and amusing, or preserve the proper relish
for them. Man is also an active being; and
from that disposition, as well as from the
various necessities of human life, must submit
to business and occupation: But the mind
requires some relaxation, and cannot always
support its bent to care and industry. It
seems, then, that nature has pointed out
a mixed kind of life as most suitable to
the human race, and secretly admonished them
to allow none of these biasses to draw too
much, so as to incapacitate them for other
occupations and entertainments. Indulge your
passion for science, says she, but let your
science be human, and such as may have a
direct reference to action and society. Abstruse
thought and profound researches I prohibit,
and will severely punish, by the pensive
melancholy which they introduce, by the endless
uncertainty in which they involve you, and
by the cold reception which your pretended
discoveries shall meet with, when communicated.
Be a philosopher; but, amidst all your philosophy,
be still a man.
5. Were the generality of mankind contented
to prefer the easy philosophy to the abstract
and profound, without throwing any blame
or contempt on the latter, it might not be
improper, perhaps, to comply with this general
opinion, and allow every man to enjoy, without
opposition, his own taste and sentiment.
But as the matter is often carried farther,
even to the absolute rejecting of all profound
reasonings, or what is commonly called metaphysics,
we shall now proceed to consider what can
reasonably be pleaded in their behalf.
We may begin with observing, that one considerable
advantage, which results from the accurate
and abstract philosophy, is, its subserviency
to the easy and humane; which, without the
former, can never attain a sufficient degree
of exactness in its sentiments, precepts,
or reasonings. All polite letters are nothing
but pictures of human life in various attitudes
and situations; and inspire us with different
sentiments, of praise or blame, admiration
or ridicule, according to the qualities of
the object, which they set before us. An
artist must be better qualified to succeed
in this undertaking, who, besides a delicate
taste and a quick apprehension, possesses
an accurate knowledge of the internal fabric,
the operations of the understanding, the
workings of the passions, and the various
species of sentiment which discriminate vice
and virtue. How painful soever this inward
search or enquiry may appear, it becomes,
in some measure, requisite to those, who
would describe with success the obvious and
outward appearances of life and manners.
The anatomist presents to the eye the most
hideous and disagreeable objects; but his
science is useful to the painter in delineating
even a Venus or an Helen. While the latter
employs all the richest colours of his art,
and gives his figures the most graceful and
engaging airs; he must still carry his attention
to the inward structure of the human body,
the position of the muscles, the fabric of
the bones, and the use and figure of every
part or organ. Accuracy is, in every case,
advantageous to beauty, and just reasoning
to delicate sentiment. In vain would we exalt
the one by depreciating the other.
Besides, we may observe, in every art or
profession, even those which most concern
life or action, that a spirit of accuracy,
however acquired, carries all of them nearer
their perfection, and renders them more subservient
to the interests of society. And though a
philosopher may live remote from business,
the genius of philosophy, if carefully cultivated
by several, must gradually diffuse itself
throughout the whole society, and bestow
a similar correctness on every art and calling.
The politician will acquire greater foresight
and subtility, in the subdividing and balancing
of power; the lawyer more method and finer
principles in his reasonings; and the general
more regularity in his discipline, and more
caution in his plans and operations. The
stability of modern governments above the
ancient, and the accuracy of modern philosophy,
have improved, and probably will still improve,
by similar gradations.
6. Were there no advantage to be reaped from
these studies, beyond the gratification of
an innocent curiosity, yet ought not even
this to be despised; as being one accession
to those few safe and harmless pleasures,
which are bestowed on human race. The sweetest
and most inoffensive path of life leads through
the avenues of science and learning; and
whoever can either remove any obstructions
in this way, or open up any new prospect,
ought so far to be esteemed a benefactor
to mankind. And though these researches may
appear painful and fatiguing, it is with
some minds as with some bodies, which being
endowed with vigorous and florid health,
require severe exercise, and reap a pleasure
from what, to the generality of mankind,
may seem burdensome and laborious. Obscurity,
indeed, is painful to the mind as well as
to the eye; but to bring light from obscurity,
by whatever labour, must needs be delightful
and rejoicing.
But this obscurity in the profound and abstract
philosophy, is objected to, not only as painful
and fatiguing, but as the inevitable source
of uncertainty and error. Here indeed lies
the justest and most plausible objection
against a considerable part of metaphysics,
that they are not properly a science; but
arise either from the fruitless efforts of
human vanity, which would penetrate into
subjects utterly inaccessible to the understanding,
or from the craft of popular superstitions,
which, being unable to defend themselves
on fair ground, raise these intangling brambles
to cover and protect their weakness. Chaced
from the open country, these robbers fly
into the forest, and lie in wait to break
in upon every unguarded avenue of the mind,
and overwhelm it with religious fears and
prejudices. The stoutest antagonist, if he
remit his watch a moment, is oppressed. And
many, through cowardice and folly, open the
gates to the enemies, and willingly receive
them with reverence and submission, as their
legal sovereigns.
7. But is this a sufficient reason, why philosophers
should desist from such researches, and leave
superstition still in possession of her retreat?
Is it not proper to draw an opposite conclusion,
and perceive the necessity of carrying the
war into the most secret recesses of the
enemy? In vain do we hope, that men, from
frequent disappointment, will at last abandon
such airy sciences, and discover the proper
province of human reason. For, besides, that
many persons find too sensible an interest
in perpetually recalling such topics; besides
this, I say, the motive of blind despair
can never reasonably have place in the sciences;
since, however unsuccessful former attempts
may have proved, there is still room to hope,
that the industry, good fortune, or improved
sagacity of succeeding generations may reach
discoveries unknown to former ages. Each
adventurous genius will still leap at the
arduous prize, and find himself stimulated,
rather that discouraged, by the failures
of his predecessors; while he hopes that
the glory of achieving so hard an adventure
is reserved for him alone. The only method
of freeing learning, at once, from these
abstruse questions, is to enquire seriously
into the nature of human understanding, and
show, from an exact analysis of its powers
and capacity, that it is by no means fitted
for such remote and abstruse subjects. We
must submit to this fatigue, in order to
live at ease ever after: And must cultivate
true metaphysics with some care, in order
to destroy the false and adulterate. Indolence,
which, to some persons, affords a safeguard
against this deceitful philosophy, is, with
others, overbalanced by curiosity; and despair,
which, at some moments, prevails, may give
place afterwards to sanguine hopes and expectations.
Accurate and just reasoning is the only catholic
remedy, fitted for all persons and all dispositions;
and is alone able to subvert that abstruse
philosophy and metaphysical jargon, which,
being mixed up with popular superstition,
renders it in a manner impenetrable to careless
reasoners, and gives it the air of science
and wisdom.
8. Besides this advantage of rejecting, after
deliberate enquiry, the most uncertain and
disagreeable part of learning, there are
many positive advantages, which result from
an accurate scrutiny into the powers and
faculties of human nature. It is remarkable
concerning the operations of the mind, that,
though most intimately present to us, yet,
whenever they become the object of reflexion,
they seem involved in obscurity; nor can
the eye readily find those lines and boundaries,
which discriminate and distinguish them.
The objects are too fine to remain long in
the same aspect or situation; and must be
apprehended in an instant, by a superior
penetration, derived from nature, and improved
by habit and reflexion. It becomes, therefore,
no inconsiderable part of science barely
to know the different operations of the mind,
to separate them from each other, to class
them under their proper heads, and to correct
all that seeming disorder, in which they
lie involved, when made the object of reflexion
and enquiry. This talk of ordering and distinguishing,
which has no merit, when performed with regard
to external bodies, the objects of our senses,
rises in its value, when directed towards
the operations of the mind, in proportion
to the difficulty and labour, which we meet
with in performing it. And if we can go no
farther than this mental geography, or delineation
of the distinct parts and powers of the mind,
it is at least a satisfaction to go so far;
and the more obvious this science may appear
(and it is by no means obvious) the more
contemptible still must the ignorance of
it be esteemed, in all pretenders to learning
and philosophy.
Nor can there remain any suspicion, that
this science is uncertain and chimerical;
unless we should entertain such a scepticism
as is entirely subversive of all speculation,
and even action. It cannot be doubted, that
the mind is endowed with several powers and
faculties, that these powers are distinct
from each other, that what is really distinct
to the immediate perception may be distinguished
by reflexion; and consequently, that there
is a truth and falsehood in all propositions
on this subject, and a truth and falsehood,
which lie not beyond the compass of human
understanding. There are many obvious distinctions
of this kind, such as those between the will
and understanding, the imagination and passions,
which fall within the comprehension of every
human creature; and the finer and more philosophical
distinctions are no less real and certain,
though more difficult to be comprehended.
Some instances, especially late ones, of
success in these enquiries, may give us a
juster notion of the certainty and solidity
of this branch of learning. And shall we
esteem it worthy the labour of a philosopher
to give us a true system of the planets,
and adjust the position and order of those
remote bodies; while we affect to overlook
those, who, with so much success, delineate
the parts of the mind, in which we are so
intimately concerned?
9. But may we not hope, that philosophy,
if cultivated with care, and encouraged by
the attention of the public, may carry its
researches still farther, and discover, at
least in some degree, the secret springs
and principles, by which the human mind is
actuated in its operations? Astronomers had
long contented themselves with proving, from
the phaenomena, the true motions, order,
and magnitude of the heavenly bodies: Till
a philosopher, at last, arose, who seems,
from the happiest reasoning, to have also
determined the laws and forces, by which
the revolutions of the planets are governed
and directed. The like has been performed
with regard to other parts of nature. And
there is no reason to despair of equal success
in our enquiries concerning the mental powers
and economy, if prosecuted with equal capacity
and caution. It is probable, that one operation
and principle of the mind depends on another;
which, again, may be resolved into one more
general and universal: And how far these
researches may possibly be carried, it will
be difficult for us, before, or even after,
a careful trial, exactly to determine. This
is certain, that attempts of this kind are
every day made even by those who philosophize
the most negligently: And nothing can be
more requisite than to enter upon the enterprize
with thorough care and attention; that, if
it lie within the compass of human understanding,
it may at last be happily achieved; if not,
it may, however, be rejected with some confidence
and security. This last conclusion, surely,
is not desirable; nor ought it to be embraced
too rashly. For how much must we diminish
from the beauty and value of this species
of philosophy, upon such a supposition? Moralists
have hitherto been accustomed, when they
considered the vast multitude and diversity
of those actions that excite our approbation
or dislike, to search for some common principle,
on which this variety of sentiments might
depend. And though they have sometimes carried
the matter too far, by their passion for
some one general principle; it must, however,
be confessed, that they are excusable in
expecting to find some general principles,
into which all the vices and virtues were
justly to be resolved. The like has been
the endeavour of critics, logicians, and
even politicians: Nor have their attempts
been wholly unsuccessful; though perhaps
longer time, greater accuracy, and more ardent
application may bring these sciences still
nearer their perfection. To throw up at once
all pretensions of this kind may justly be
deemed more rash, precipitate, and dogmatical,
than even the boldest and most affirmative
philosophy, that has ever attempted to impose
its crude dictates and principles on mankind.
10. What though these reasonings concerning
human nature seem abstract, and of difficult
comprehension? This affords no presumption
of their falsehood. On the contrary, it seems
impossible, that what has hitherto escaped
so many wise and profound philosophers can
be very obvious and easy. And whatever pains
these researches may cost us, we may think
ourselves sufficiently rewarded, not only
in point of profit but of pleasure, if, by
that means, we can make any addition to our
stock of knowledge, in subjects of such unspeakable
importance.
But as, after all, the abstractedness of
these speculations is no recommendation,
but rather a disadvantage to them, and as
this difficulty may perhaps be surmounted
by care and art, and the avoiding of all
unnecessary detail, we have, in the following
enquiry, attempted to throw some light upon
subjects, from which uncertainty has hitherto
deterred the wise, and obscurity the ignorant.
Happy, if we can unite the boundaries of
the different species of philosophy, by reconciling
profound enquiry with clearness, and truth
with novelty! And still more happy, if, reasoning
in this easy manner, we can undermine the
foundations of an abstruse philosophy, which
seems to have hitherto served only as a shelter
to superstition, and a cover to absurdity
and error!
SECTION II
OF THE ORIGIN OF IDEAS.
11. Every one will readily allow, that there
is a considerable difference between the
perceptions of the mind, when a man feels
the pain of excessive heat, or the pleasure
of moderate warmth, and when he afterwards
recalls to his memory this sensation, or
anticipates it by his imagination. These
faculties may mimic or copy the perceptions
of the senses; but they never can entirely
reach the force and vivacity of the original
sentiment. The utmost we say of them, even
when they operate with greatest vigour, is,
that they represent their object in so lively
a manner, that we could almost say we feel
or see it: But, except the mind be disordered
by disease or madness, they never can arrive
at such a pitch of vivacity, as to render
these perceptions altogether undistinguishable.
All the colours of poetry, however splendid,
can never paint natural objects in such a
manner as to make the description be taken
for a real landskip. The most lively thought
is still inferior to the dullest sensation.
We may observe a like distinction to run
through all the other perceptions of the
mind. A man in a fit of anger, is actuated
in a very different manner from one who only
thinks of that emotion. If you tell me, that
any person is in love, I easily understand
your meaning, and form a just conception
of his situation; but never can mistake that
conception for the real disorders and agitations
of the passion. When we reflect on our past
sentiments and affections, our thought is
a faithful mirror, and copies its objects
truly; but the colours which it employs are
faint and dull, in comparison of those in
which our original perceptions were clothed.
It requires no nice discernment or metaphysical
head to mark the distinction between them.
12. Here therefore we may divide all the
perceptions of the mind into two classes
or species, which are distinguished by their
different degrees of force and vivacity.
The less forcible and lively are commonly
denominated Thoughts or Ideas. The other
species want a name in our language, and
in most others; I suppose, because it was
not requisite for any, but philosophical
purposes, to rank them under a general term
or appellation. Let us, therefore, use a
little freedom, and call them Impressions;
employing that word in a sense somewhat different
from the usual. By the term impression, then,
I mean all our more lively perceptions, when
we hear, or see, or feel, or love, or hate,
or desire, or will. And impressions are distinguished
from ideas, which are the less lively perceptions,
of which we are conscious, when we reflect
on any of those sensations or movements above
mentioned.
13. Nothing, at first view, may seem more
unbounded than the thought of man, which
not only escapes all human power and authority,
but is not even restrained within the limits
of nature and reality. To form monsters,
and join incongruous shapes and appearances,
costs the imagination no more trouble than
to conceive the most natural and familiar
objects. And while the body is confined to
one planet, along which it creeps with pain
and difficulty; the thought can in an instant
transport us into the most distant regions
of the universe; or even beyond the universe,
into the unbounded chaos, where nature is
supposed to lie in total confusion. What
never was seen, or heard of, may yet be conceived;
nor is any thing beyond the power of thought,
except what implies an absolute contradiction.
But though our thought seems to possess this
unbounded liberty, we shall find, upon a
nearer examination, that it is really confined
within very narrow limits, and that all this
creative power of the mind amounts to no
more than the faculty of compounding, transposing,
augmenting, or diminishing the materials
afforded us by the senses and experience.
When we think of a golden mountain, we only
join two consistent ideas, gold, and mountain,
with which we were formerly acquainted. A
virtuous horse we can conceive; because,
from our own feeling, we can conceive virtue;
and this we may unite to the figure and shape
of a horse, which is an animal familiar to
us. In short, all the materials of thinking
are derived either from our outward or inward
sentiment: the mixture and composition of
these belongs alone to the mind and will.
Or, to express myself in philosophical language,
all our ideas or more feeble perceptions
are copies of our impressions or more lively
ones.
14. To prove this, the two following arguments
will, I hope, be sufficient. First, when
we analyze our thoughts or ideas, however
compounded or sublime, we always find that
they resolve themselves into such simple
ideas as were copied from a precedent feeling
or sentiment. Even those ideas, which, at
first view, seem the most wide of this origin,
are found, upon a nearer scrutiny, to be
derived from it. The idea of God, as meaning
an infinitely intelligent, wise, and good
Being, arises from reflecting on the operations
of our own mind, and augmenting, without
limit, those qualities of goodness and wisdom.
We may prosecute this enquiry to what length
we please; where we shall always find, that
every idea which we examine is copied from
a similar impression. Those who would assert
that this position is not universally true
nor without exception, have only one, and
that an easy method of refuting it; by producing
that idea, which, in their opinion, is not
derived from this source. It will then be
incumbent on us, if we would maintain our
doctrine, to produce the impression, or lively
perception, which corresponds to it.
15. Secondly. If it happen, from a defect
of the organ, that a man is not susceptible
of any species of sensation, we always find
that he is as little susceptible of the correspondent
ideas. A blind man can form no notion of
colours; a deaf man of sounds. Restore either
of them that sense in which he is deficient;
by opening this new inlet for his sensations,
you also open an inlet for the ideas; and
he finds no difficulty in conceiving these
objects. The case is the same, if the object,
proper for exciting any sensation, has never
been applied to the organ. A Laplander or
Negro has no notion of the relish of wine.
And though there are few or no instances
of a like deficiency in the mind, where a
person has never felt or is wholly incapable
of a sentiment or passion that belongs to
his species; yet we find the same observation
to take place in a less degree. A man of
mild manners can form no idea of inveterate
revenge or cruelty; nor can a selfish heart
easily conceive the heights of friendship
and generosity. It is readily allowed, that
other beings may possess many senses of which
we can have no conception; because the ideas
of them have never been introduced to us
in the only manner by which an idea can have
access to the mind, to wit, by the actual
feeling and sensation.
16. There is, however, one contradictory
phenomenon, which may prove that it is not
absolutely impossible for ideas to arise,
independent of their correspondent impressions.
I believe it will readily be allowed, that
the several distinct ideas of colour, which
enter by the eye, or those of sound, which
are conveyed by the ear, are really different
from each other; though, at the same time,
resembling. Now if this be true of different
colours, it must be no less so of the different
shades of the same colour; and each shade
produces a distinct idea, independent of
the rest. For if this should be denied, it
is possible, by the continual gradation of
shades, to run a colour insensibly into what
is most remote from it; and if you will not
allow any of the means to be different, you
cannot, without absurdity, deny the extremes
to be the same. Suppose, therefore, a person
to have enjoyed his sight for thirty years,
and to have become perfectly acquainted with
colours of all kinds except one particular
shade of blue, for instance, which it never
has been his fortune to meet with. Let all
the different shades of that colour, except
that single one, be placed before him, descending
gradually from the deepest to the lightest;
it is plain that he will perceive a blank,
where that shade is wanting, and will be
sensible that there is a greater distance
in that place between the contiguous colours
than in any other. Now I ask, whether it
be possible for him, from his own imagination,
to supply this deficiency, and raise up to
himself the idea of that particular shade,
though it had never been conveyed to him
by his senses? I believe there are few but
will be of opinion that he can: and this
may serve as a proof that the simple ideas
are not always, in every instance, derived
from the correspondent impressions; though
this instance is so singular, that it is
scarcely worth our observing, and does not
merit that for it alone we should alter our
general maxim.
17. Here, therefore, is a proposition, which
not only seems, in itself, simple and intelligible;
but, if a proper use were made of it, might
render every dispute equally intelligible,
and banish all that jargon, which has so
long taken possession of metaphysical reasonings,
and drawn disgrace upon them. All ideas,
especially abstract ones, are naturally faint
and obscure: the mind has but a slender hold
of them: they are apt to be confounded with
other resembling ideas; and when we have
often employed any term, though without a
distinct meaning, we are apt to imagine it
has a determinate idea annexed to it. On
the contrary, all impressions, that is, all
sensations, either outward or inward, are
strong and vivid: the limits between them
are more exactly determined: nor is it easy
to fall into any error or mistake with regard
to them. When we entertain, therefore, any
suspicion that a philosophical term is employed
without any meaning or idea (as is but too
frequent), we need but enquire, from what
impression is that supposed idea derived?
And if it be impossible to assign any, this
will serve to confirm our suspicion. By bringing
ideas into so clear a light we may reasonably
hope to remove all dispute, which may arise,
concerning their nature and reality. 1
SECTION III.
OF THE ASSOCIATION OF IDEAS.
18. It is evident that there is a principle
of connexion between the different thoughts
or ideas of the mind, and that, in their
appearance to the memory or imagination,
they introduce each other with a certain
degree of method and regularity. In our more
serious thinking or discourse this is so
observable that any particular thought, which
breaks in upon the regular tract or chain
of ideas, is immediately remarked and rejected.
And even in our wildest and most wandering
reveries, nay in our very dreams, we shall
find, if we reflect, that the imagination
ran not altogether at adventures, but that
there was still a connexion upheld among
the different ideas, which succeeded each
other. Were the loosest and freest conversation
to be transcribed, there would immediately
be observed something which connected it
in all its transitions. Or where this is
wanting, the person who broke the thread
of discourse might still inform you, that
there had secretly revolved in his mind a
succession of thought, which had gradually
led him from the subject of conversation.
Among different languages, even where we
cannot suspect the least connexion or communication,
it is found, that the words, expressive of
ideas, the most compounded, do yet nearly
correspond to each other: a certain proof
that the simple ideas, comprehended in the
compound ones, were bound together by some
universal principle, which had an equal influence
on all mankind.
19. Though it be too obvious to escape observation,
that different ideas are connected together;
I do not find that any philosopher has attempted
to enumerate or class all the principles
of association; a subject, however, that
seems worthy of curiosity. To me, there appear
to be only three principles of connexion
among ideas, namely, Resemblance, Contiguity
in time or place, and Cause or Effect.
That these principles serve to connect ideas
will not, I believe, be much doubted. A picture
naturally leads our thoughts to the original2:
the mention of one apartment in a building
naturally introduces an enquiry or discourse
concerning the others3: and if we think of
a wound, we can scarcely forbear reflecting
on the pain which follows it4. But that this
enumeration is complete, and that there are
no other principles of association except
these, may be difficult to prove to the satisfaction
of the reader, or even to a man's own satisfaction.
All we can do, in such cases, is to run over
several instances, and examine carefully
the principle which binds the different thoughts
to each other, never stopping till we render
the principle as general as possible5. The
more instances we examine, and the more care
we employ, the more assurance shall we acquire,
that the enumeration, which we form from
the whole, is complete and entire.
SECTION IV.
SCEPTICAL DOUBTS CONCERNING THE OPERATIONS
OF THE UNDERSTANDING.
PART I.
20. All the objects of human reason or enquiry
may naturally be divided into two kinds,
to wit, Relations of Ideas, and Matters of
Fact. Of the first kind are the sciences
of Geometry, Algebra, and Arithmetic; and
in short, every affirmation which is either
intuitively or demonstratively certain. That
the square of the hypothenuse is equal to
the square of the two sides, is a proposition
which expresses a relation between these
figures. That three times five is equal to
the half of thirty, expresses a relation
between these numbers. Propositions of this
kind are discoverable by the mere operation
of thought, without dependence on what is
anywhere existent in the universe. Though
there never were a circle or triangle in
nature, the truths demonstrated by Euclid
would for ever retain their certainty and
evidence.
21. Matters of fact, which are the second
objects of human reason, are not ascertained
in the same manner; nor is our evidence of
their truth, however great, of a like nature
with the foregoing. The contrary of every
matter of fact is still possible; because
it can never imply a contradiction, and is
conceived by the mind with the same facility
and distinctness, as if ever so conformable
to reality. That the sun will not rise to-morrow
is no less intelligible a proposition, and
implies no more contradiction than the affirmation,
that it will rise. We should in vain, therefore,
attempt to demonstrate its falsehood. Were
it demonstratively false, it would imply
a contradiction, and could never be distinctly
conceived by the mind.
It may, therefore, be a subject worthy of
curiosity, to enquire what is the nature
of that evidence which assures us of any
real existence and matter of fact, beyond
the present testimony of our senses, or the
records of our memory. This part of philosophy,
it is observable, has been little cultivated,
either by the ancients or moderns; and therefore
our doubts and errors, in the prosecution
of so important an enquiry, may be the more
excusable; while we march through such difficult
paths without any guide or direction. They
may even prove useful, by exciting curiosity,
and destroying that implicit faith and security,
which is the bane of all reasoning and free
enquiry. The discovery of defects in the
common philosophy, if any such there be,
will not, I presume, be a discouragement,
but rather an incitement, as is usual, to
attempt something more full and satisfactory
than has yet been proposed to the public.
22. All reasonings concerning matter of fact
seem to be founded on the relation of Cause
and Effect. By means of that relation alone
we can go beyond the evidence of our memory
and senses. If you were to ask a man, why
he believes any matter of fact, which is
absent; for instance, that his friend is
in the country, or in France; he would give
you a reason; and this reason would be some
other fact; as a letter received from him,
or the knowledge of his former resolutions
and promises. A man finding a watch or any
other machine in a desert island, would conclude
that there had once been men in that island.
All our reasonings concerning fact are of
the same nature. And here it is constantly
supposed that there is a connexion between
the present fact and that which is inferred
from it. Were there nothing to bind them
together, the inference would be entirely
precarious. The hearing of an articulate
voice and rational discourse in the dark
assures us of the presence of some person:
Why? because these are the effects of the
human make and fabric, and closely connected
with it. If we anatomize all the other reasonings
of this nature, we shall find that they are
founded on the relation of cause and effect,
and that this relation is either near or
remote, direct or collateral. Heat and light
are collateral effects of fire, and the one
effect may justly be inferred from the other.
23. If we would satisfy ourselves, therefore,
concerning the nature of that evidence, which
assures us of matters of fact, we must enquire
how we arrive at the knowledge of cause and
effect.
I shall venture to affirm, as a general proposition,
which admits of no exception, that the knowledge
of this relation is not, in any instance,
attained by reasonings a priori; but arises
entirely from experience, when we find that
any particular objects are constantly conjoined
with each other. Let an object be presented
to a man of ever so strong natural reason
and abilities; if that object be entirely
new to him, he will not be able, by the most
accurate examination of its sensible qualities,
to discover any of its causes or effects.
Adam, though his rational faculties be supposed,
at the very first, entirely perfect, could
not have inferred from the fluidity and transparency
of water that it would suffocate him, or
from the light and warmth of fire that it
would consume him. No object ever discovers,
by the qualities which appear to the senses,
either the causes which produced it, or the
effects which will arise from it; nor can
our reason, unassisted by experience, ever
draw any inference concerning real existence
and matter of fact.
24. This proposition, that causes and effects
are discoverable, not by reason but by experience,
will readily be admitted with regard to such
objects, as we remember to have once been
altogether unknown to us; since we must be
conscious of the utter inability, which we
then lay under, of foretelling what would
arise from them. Present two smooth pieces
of marble to a man who has no tincture of
natural philosophy; he will never discover
that they will adhere together in such a
manner as to require great force to separate
them in a direct line, while they make so
small a resistance to a lateral pressure.
Such events, as bear little analogy to the
common course of nature, are also readily
confessed to be known only by experience;
nor does any man imagine that the explosion
of gunpowder, or the attraction of a loadstone,
could ever be discovered by arguments a priori.
In like manner, when an effect is supposed
to depend upon an intricate machinery or
secret structure of parts, we make no difficulty
in attributing all our knowledge of it to
experience. Who will assert that he can give
the ultimate reason, why milk or bread is
proper nourishment for a man, not for a lion
or a tiger?
But the same truth may not appear, at first
sight, to have the same evidence with regard
to events, which have become familiar to
us from our first appearance in the world,
which bear a close analogy to the whole course
of nature, and which are supposed to depend
on the simple qualities of objects, without
any secret structure of parts. We are apt
to imagine that we could discover these effects
by the mere operation of our reason, without
experience. We fancy, that were we brought
on a sudden into this world, we could at
first have inferred that one Billiard-ball
would communicate motion to another upon
impulse; and that we needed not to have waited
for the event, in order to pronounce with
certainty concerning it. Such is the influence
of custom, that, where it is strongest, it
not only covers our natural ignorance, but
even conceals itself, and seems not to take
place, merely because it is found in the
highest degree.
25. But to convince us that all the laws
of nature, and all the operations of bodies
without exception, are known only by experience,
the following reflections may, perhaps, suffice.
Were any object presented to us, and were
we required to pronounce concerning the effect,
which will result from it, without consulting
past observation; after what manner, I beseech
you, must the mind proceed in this operation?
It must invent or imagine some event, which
it ascribes to the object as its effect;
and it is plain that this invention must
be entirely arbitrary. The mind can never
possibly find the effect in the supposed
cause, by the most accurate scrutiny and
examination. For the effect is totally different
from the cause, and consequently can never
be discovered in it. Motion in the second
Billiard-ball is a quite distinct event from
motion in the first; nor is there anything
in the one to suggest the smallest hint of
the other. A stone or piece of metal raised
into the air, and left without any support,
immediately falls: but to consider the matter
a priori, is there anything we discover in
this situation which can beget the idea of
a downward, rather than an upward, or any
other motion, in the stone or metal? And
as the first imagination or invention of
a particular effect, in all natural operations,
is arbitrary, where we consult not experience;
so must we also esteem the supposed tie or
connexion between the cause and effect, which
binds them together, and renders it impossible
that any other effect could result from the
operation of that cause. When I see, for
instance, a Billiard-ball moving in a straight
line towards another; even suppose motion
in the second ball should by accident be
suggested to me, as the result of their contact
or impulse; may I not conceive, that a hundred
different events might as well follow from
that cause? May not both these balls remain
at absolute rest? May not the first ball
return in a straight line, or leap off from
the second in any line or direction? All
these suppositions are consistent and conceivable.
Why then should we give the preference to
one, which is no more consistent or conceivable
than the rest? All our reasonings a priori
will never be able to show us any foundation
for this preference.
In a word, then, every effect is a distinct
event from its cause. It could not, therefore,
be discovered in the cause, and the first
invention or conception of it, a priori,
must be entirely arbitrary. And even after
it is suggested, the conjunction of it with
the cause must appear equally arbitrary;
since there are always many other effects,
which, to reason, must seem fully as consistent
and natural. In vain, therefore, should we
pretend to determine any single event, or
infer any cause or effect, without the assistance
of observation and experience.
26. Hence we may discover the reason why
no philosopher, who is rational and modest,
has ever pretended to assign the ultimate
cause of any natural operation, or to show
distinctly the action of that power, which
produces any single effect in the universe.
It is confessed, that the utmost effort of
human reason is to reduce the principles,
productive of natural phenomena, to a greater
simplicity, and to resolve the many particular
effects into a few general causes, by means
of reasonings from analogy, experience, and
observation. But as to the causes of these
general causes, we should in vain attempt
their discovery; nor shall we ever be able
to satisfy ourselves, by any particular explication
of them. These ultimate springs and principles
are totally shut up from human curiosity
and enquiry. Elasticity, gravity, cohesion
of parts, communication of motion by impulse;
these are probably the ultimate causes and
principles which we shall ever discover in
nature; and we may esteem ourselves sufficiently
happy, if, by accurate enquiry and reasoning,
we can trace up the particular phenomena
to, or near to, these general principles.
The most perfect philosophy of the natural
kind only staves off our ignorance a little
longer: as perhaps the most perfect philosophy
of the moral or metaphysical kind serves
only to discover larger portions of it. Thus
the observation of human blindness and weakness
is the result of all philosophy, and meets
us at every turn, in spite of our endeavours
to elude or avoid it.
27. Nor is geometry, when taken into the
assistance of natural philosophy, ever able
to remedy this defect, or lead us into the
knowledge of ultimate causes, by all that
accuracy of reasoning for which it is so
justly celebrated. Every part of mixed mathematics
proceeds upon the supposition that certain
laws are established by nature in her operations;
and abstract reasonings are employed, either
to assist experience in the discovery of
these laws, or to determine their influence
in particular instances, where it depends
upon any precise degree of distance and quantity.
Thus, it is a law of motion, discovered by
experience, that the moment or force of any
body in motion is in the compound ratio or
proportion of its solid contents and its
velocity; and consequently, that a small
force may remove the greatest obstacle or
raise the greatest weight, if, by any contrivance
or machinery, we can increase the velocity
of that force, so as to make it an overmatch
for its antagonist. Geometry assists us in
the application of this law, by giving us
the just dimensions of all the parts and
figures which can enter into any species
of machine; but still the discovery of the
law itself is owing merely to experience,
and all the abstract reasonings in the world
could never lead us one step towards the
knowledge of it. When we reason a priori,
and consider merely any object or cause,
as it appears to the mind, independent of
all observation, it never could suggest to
us the notion of any distinct object, such
as its effect; much less, show us the inseparable
and inviolable connexion between them. A
man must be very sagacious who could discover
by reasoning that crystal is the effect of
heat, and ice of cold, without being previously
acquainted with the operation of these qualities.
PART II.
28. But we have not yet attained any tolerable
satisfaction with regard to the question
first proposed. Each solution still gives
rise to a new question as difficult as the
foregoing, and leads us on to farther enquiries.
When it is asked, What is the nature of all
our reasonings concerning matter of fact?
the proper answer seems to be, that they
are founded on the relation of cause and
effect. When again it is asked, What is the
foundation of all our reasonings and conclusions
concerning that relation? it may be replied
in one word, Experience. But if we still
carry on our sifting humour, and ask, What
is the foundation of all conclusions from
experience? this implies a new question,
which may be of more difficult solution and
explication. Philosophers, that give themselves
airs of superior wisdom and sufficiency,
have a hard task when they encounter persons
of inquisitive dispositions, who push them
from every corner to which they retreat,
and who are sure at last to bring them to
some dangerous dilemma. The best expedient
to prevent this confusion, is to be modest
in our pretensions; and even to discover
the difficulty ourselves before it is objected
to us. By this means, we may make a kind
of merit of our very ignorance.
I shall content myself, in this section,
with an easy task, and shall pretend only
to give a negative answer to the question
here proposed. I say then, that, even after
we have experience of the operations of cause
and effect, our conclusions from that experience
are not founded on reasoning, or any process
of the understanding. This answer we must
endeavour both to explain and to defend.
29. It must certainly be allowed, that nature
has kept us at a great distance from all
her secrets, and has afforded us only the
knowledge of a few superficial qualities
of objects; while she conceals from us those
powers and principles on which the influence
of those objects entirely depends. Our senses
inform us of the colour, weight, and consistence
of bread; but neither sense nor reason can
ever inform us of those qualities which fit
it for the nourishment and support of a human
body. Sight or feeling conveys an idea of
the actual motion of bodies; but as to that
wonderful force or power, which would carry
on a moving body for ever in a continued
change of place, and which bodies never lose
but by communicating it to others; of this
we cannot form the most distant conception.
But notwithstanding this ignorance of natural
powers6 and principles, we always presume,
when we see like sensible qualities, that
they have like secret powers, and expect
that effects, similar to those which we have
experienced, will follow from them. If a
body of like colour and consistence with
that bread, which we have formerly eat, be
presented to us, we make no scruple of repeating
the experiment, and foresee, with certainty,
like nourishment and support. Now this is
a process of the mind or thought, of which
I would willingly know the foundation. It
is allowed on all hands that there is no
known connexion between the sensible qualities
and the secret powers; and consequently,
that the mind is not led to form such a conclusion
concerning their constant and regular conjunction,
by anything which it knows of their nature.
As to past Experience, it can be allowed
to give direct and certain information of
those precise objects only, and that precise
period of time, which fell under its cognizance:
but why this experience should be extended
to future times, and to other objects, which
for aught we know, may be only in appearance
similar; this is the main question on which
I would insist. The bread, which I formerly
eat, nourished me; that is, a body of such
sensible qualities was, at that time, endued
with such secret powers: but does it follow,
that other bread must also nourish me at
another time, and that like sensible qualities
must always be attended with like secret
powers? The consequence seems nowise necessary.
At least, it must be acknowledged that there
is here a consequence drawn by the mind;
that there is a certain step taken; a process
of thought, and an inference, which wants
to be explained. These two propositions are
far from being the same, I have found that
such an object has always been attended with
such an effect, and I foresee, that other
objects, which are, in appearance, similar,
will be attended with similar effects. I
shall allow, if you please, that the one
proposition may justly be inferred from the
other: I know, in fact, that it always is
inferred. But if you insist that the inference
is made by a chain of reasoning, I desire
you to produce that reasoning. The connexion
between these propositions is not intuitive.
There is required a medium, which may enable
the mind to draw such an inference, if indeed
it be drawn by reasoning and argument. What
that medium is, I must confess, passes my
comprehension; and it is incumbent on those
to produce it, who assert that it really
exists, and is the origin of all our conclusions
concerning matter of fact.
30. This negative argument must certainly,
in process of time, become altogether convincing,
if many penetrating and able philosophers
shall turn their enquiries this way and no
one be ever able to discover any connecting
proposition or intermediate step, which supports
the understanding in this conclusion. But
as the question is yet new, every reader
may not trust so far to his own penetration,
as to conclude, because an argument escapes
his enquiry, that therefore it does not really
exist. For this reason it may be requisite
to venture upon a more difficult task; and
enumerating all the branches of human knowledge,
endeavour to show that none of them can afford
such an argument.
All reasonings may be divided into two kinds,
namely, demonstrative reasoning, or that
concerning relations of ideas, and moral
reasoning, or that concerning matter of fact
and existence. That there are no demonstrative
arguments in the case seems evident; since
it implies no contradiction that the course
of nature may change, and that an object,
seemingly like those which we have experienced,
may be attended with different or contrary
effects. May I not clearly and distinctly
conceive that a body, falling from the clouds,
and which, in all other respects, resembles
snow, has yet the taste of salt or feeling
of fire? Is there any more intelligible proposition
than to affirm, that all the trees will flourish
in December and January, and decay in May
and June? Now whatever is intelligible, and
can be distinctly conceived, implies no contradiction,
and can never be proved false by any demonstrative
argument or abstract reasoning priori.
If we be, therefore, engaged by arguments
to put trust in past experience, and make
it the standard of our future judgement,
these arguments must be probable only, or
such as regard matter of fact and real existence,
according to the division above mentioned.
But that there is no argument of this kind,
must appear, if our explication of that species
of reasoning be admitted as solid and satisfactory.
We have said that all arguments concerning
existence are founded on the relation of
cause and effect; that our knowledge of that
relation is derived entirely from experience;
and that all our experimental conclusions
proceed upon the supposition that the future
will be conformable to the past. To endeavour,
therefore, the proof of this last supposition
by probable arguments, or arguments regarding
existence, must be evidently going in a circle,
and taking that for granted, which is the
very point in question.
31. In reality, all arguments from experience
are founded on the similarity which we discover
among natural objects, and by which we are
induced to expect effects similar to those
which we have found to follow from such objects.
And though none but a fool or madman will
ever pretend to dispute the authority of
experience, or to reject that great guide
of human life, it may surely be allowed a
philosopher to have so much curiosity at
least as to examine the principle of human
nature, which gives this mighty authority
to experience, and makes us draw advantage
from that similarity which nature has placed
among different objects. From causes which
appear similar we expect similar effects.
This is the sum of all our experimental conclusions.
Now it seems evident that, if this conclusion
were formed by reason, it would be as perfect
at first, and upon one instance, as after
ever so long a course of experience. But
the case is far otherwise. Nothing so like
as eggs; yet no one, on account of this appearing
similarity, expects the same taste and relish
in all of them. It is only after a long course
of uniform experiments in any kind, that
we attain a firm reliance and security with
regard to a particular event. Now where is
that process of reasoning which, from one
instance, draws a conclusion, so different
from that which it infers from a hundred
instances that are nowise different from
that single one? This question I propose
as much for the sake of information, as with
an intention of raising difficulties. I cannot
find, I cannot imagine any such reasoning.
But I keep my mind still open to instruction,
if any one will vouchsafe to bestow it on
me.
32. Should it be said that, from a number
of uniform experiments, we infer a connexion
between the sensible qualities and the secret
powers; this, I must confess, seems the same
difficulty, couched in different terms. The
question still recurs, on what process of
argument this inference is founded? Where
is the medium, the interposing ideas, which
join propositions so very wide of each other?
It is confessed that the colour, consistence,
and other sensible qualities of bread appear
not, of themselves, to have any connexion
with the secret powers of nourishment and
support. For otherwise we could infer these
secret powers from the first appearance of
these sensible qualities, without the aid
of experience; contrary to the sentiment
of all philosophers, and contrary to plain
matter of fact. Here, then, is our natural
state of ignorance with regard to the powers
and influence of all objects. How is this
remedied by experience? It only shows us
a number of uniform effects, resulting from
certain objects, and teaches us that those
particular objects, at that particular time,
were endowed with such powers and forces.
When a new object, endowed with similar sensible
qualities, is produced, we expect similar
powers and forces, and look for a like effect.
From a body of like colour and consistence
with bread we expect like nourishment and
support. But this surely is a step or progress
of the mind, which wants to be explained.
When a man says, I have found, in all past
instances, such sensible qualities conjoined
with such secret powers: And when he says,
Similar sensible qualities will always be
conjoined with similar secret powers, he
is not guilty of a tautology, nor are these
propositions in any respect the same. You
say that the one proposition is an inference
from the other. But you must confess that
the inference is not intuitive; neither is
it demonstrative: Of what nature is it, then?
To say it is experimental, is begging the
question. For all inferences from experience
suppose, as their foundation, that the future
will resemble the past, and that similar
powers will be conjoined with similar sensible
qualities. If there be any suspicion that
the course of nature may change, and that
the past may be no rule for the future, all
experience becomes useless, and can give
rise to no inference or conclusion. It is
impossible, therefore, that any arguments
from experience can prove this resemblance
of the past to the future; since all these
arguments are founded on the supposition
of that resemblance. Let the course of things
be allowed hitherto ever so regular; that
alone, without some new argument or inference,
proves not that, for the future, it will
continue so. In vain do you pretend to have
learned the nature of bodies from your past
experience. Their secret nature, and consequently
all their effects and influence, may change,
without any change in their sensible qualities.
This happens sometimes, and with regard to
some objects: Why may it not happen always,
and with regard to all objects? What logic,
what process of argument secures you against
this supposition? My practice, you say, refutes
my doubts. But you mistake the purport of
my question. As an agent, I am quite satisfied
in the point; but as a philosopher, who has
some share of curiosity, I will not say scepticism,
I want to learn the foundation of this inference.
No reading, no enquiry has yet been able
to remove my difficulty, or give me satisfaction
in a matter of such importance. Can I do
better than propose the difficulty to the
public, even though, perhaps, I have small
hopes of obtaining a solution? We shall at
least, by this means, be sensible of our
ignorance, if we do not augment our knowledge.
33. I must confess that a man is guilty of
unpardonable arrogance who concludes, because
an argument has escaped his own investigation,
that therefore it does not really exist.
I must also confess that, though all the
learned, for several ages, should have employed
themselves in fruitless search upon any subject,
it may still, perhaps, be rash to conclude
positively that the subject must, therefore,
pass all human comprehension. Even though
we examine all the sources of our knowledge,
and conclude them unfit for such a subject,
there may still remain a suspicion, that
the enumeration is not complete, or the examination
not accurate. But with regard to the present
subject, there are some considerations which
seem to remove all this accusation of arrogance
or suspicion of mistake.
It is certain that the most ignorant and
stupid peasants-nay infants, nay even brute
beasts-improve by experience, and learn the
qualities of natural objects, by observing
the effects which result from them. When
a child has felt the sensation of pain from
touching the flame of a candle, he will be
careful not to put his hand near any candle;
but will expect a similar effect from a cause
which is similar in its sensible qualities
and appearance. If you assert, therefore,
that the understanding of the child is led
into this conclusion by any process of argument
or ratiocination, I may justly require you
to produce that argument; nor have you any
pretence to refuse so equitable a demand.
You cannot say that the argument is abstruse,
and may possibly escape your enquiry; since
you confess that it is obvious to the capacity
of a mere infant. If you hesitate, therefore,
a moment, or if, after reflection, you produce
any intricate or profound argument, you,
in a manner, give up the question, and confess
that it is not reasoning which engages us
to suppose the past resembling the future,
and to expect similar effects from causes
which are, to appearance, similar. This is
the proposition which I intended to enforce
in the present section. If I be right, I
pretend not to have made any mighty discovery.
And if I be wrong, I must acknowledge myself
to be indeed a very backward scholar; since
I cannot now discover an argument which,
it seems, was perfectly familiar to me long
before I was out of my cradle.
SECTION V.
SCEPTICAL SOLUTION OF THESE DOUBTS.
PART I.
34. The passion for philosophy, like that
for religion, seems liable to this inconvenience,
that, though it aims at the correction of
our manners, and extirpation of our vices,
it may only serve, by imprudent management,
to foster a predominant inclination, and
push the mind, with more determined resolution,
towards that side which already draws too
much, by the bias and propensity of the natural
temper. It is certain that, while we aspire
to the magnanimous firmness of the philosophic
sage, and endeavour to confine our pleasures
altogether within our own minds, we may,
at last, render our philosophy like that
of Epictetus, and other Stoics, only a more
refined system of selfishness, and reason
ourselves out of all virtue as well as social
enjoyment. While we study with attention
the vanity of human life, and turn all our
thoughts towards the empty and transitory
nature of riches and honours, we are, perhaps,
all the while flattering our natural indolence,
which, hating the bustle of the world, and
drudgery of business, seeks a pretence of
reason to give itself a full and uncontrolled
indulgence. There is, however, one species
of philosophy which seems little liable to
this inconvenience, and that because it strikes
in with no disorderly passion of the human
mind, nor can mingle itself with any natural
affection or propensity; and that is the
Academic or Sceptical philosophy. The academics
always talk of doubt and suspense of judgement,
of danger in hasty determinations, of confining
to very narrow bounds the enquiries of the
understanding, and of renouncing all speculations
which lie not within the limits of common
life and practice. Nothing, therefore, can
be more contrary than such a philosophy to
the supine indolence of the mind, its rash
arrogance, its lofty pretensions, and its
superstitious credulity. Every passion is
mortified by it, except the love of truth;
and that passion never is, nor can be, carried
to too high a degree. It is surprising, therefore,
that this philosophy, which, in almost every
instance, must be harmless and innocent,
should be the subject of so much groundless
reproach and obloquy. But, perhaps, the very
circumstance which renders it so innocent
is what chiefly exposes it to the public
hatred and resentment. By flattering no irregular
passion, it gains few partizans: By opposing
so many vices and follies, it raises to itself
abundance of enemies, who stigmatize it as
libertine profane, and irreligious.
Nor need we fear that this philosophy, while
it endeavours to limit our enquiries to common
life, should ever undermine the reasonings
of common life, and carry its doubts so far
as to destroy all action, as well as speculation.
Nature will always maintain her rights, and
prevail in the end over any abstract reasoning
whatsoever. Though we should conclude, for
instance, as in the foregoing section, that,
in all reasonings from experience, there
is a step taken by the mind which is not
supported by any argument or process of the
understanding; there is no danger that these
reasonings, on which almost all knowledge
depends, will ever be affected by such a
discovery. If the mind be not engaged by
argument to make this step, it must be induced
by some other principle of equal weight and
authority; and that principle will preserve
its influence as long as human nature remains
the same. What that principle is may well
be worth the pains of enquiry.
35. Suppose a person, though endowed with
the strongest faculties of reason and reflection,
to be brought on a sudden into this world;
he would, indeed, immediately observe a continual
succession of objects, and one event following
another; but he would not be able to discover
anything farther. He would not, at first,
by any reasoning, be able to reach the idea
of cause and effect; since the particular
powers, by which all natural operations are
performed, never appear to the senses; nor
is it reasonable to conclude, merely because
one event, in one instance, precedes another,
that therefore the one is the cause, the
other the effect. Their conjunction may be
arbitrary and casual. There may be no reason
to infer the existence of one from the appearance
of the other. And in a word, such a person,
without more experience, could never employ
his conjecture or reasoning concerning any
matter of fact, or be assured of anything
beyond what was immediately present to his
memory and senses.
Suppose, again, that he has acquired more
experience, and has lived so long in the
world as to have observed familiar objects
or events to be constantly conjoined together;
what is the consequence of this experience?
He immediately infers the existence of one
object from the appearance of the other.
Yet he has not, by all his experience, acquired
any idea or knowledge of the secret power
by which the one object produces the other;
nor is it, by any process of reasoning, he
is engaged to draw this inference. But still
he finds himself determined to draw it: And
though he should be convinced that his understanding
has no part in the operation, he would nevertheless
continue in the same course of thinking.
There is some other principle which determines
him to form such a conclusion.
36. This principle is Custom or Habit. For
wherever the repetition of any particular
act or operation produces a propensity to
renew the same act or operation, without
being impelled by any reasoning or process
of the understanding, we always say, that
this propensity is the effect of Custom.
By employing that word, we pretend not to
have given the ultimate reason of such a
propensity. We only point out a principle
of human nature, which is universally acknowledged,
and which is well known by its effects. Perhaps
we can push our enquiries no farther, or
pretend to give the cause of this cause;
but must rest contented with it as the ultimate
principle, which we can assign, of all our
conclusions from experience. It is sufficient
satisfaction, that we can go so far, without
repining at the narrowness of our faculties
because they will carry us no farther. And
it is certain we here advance a very intelligible
proposition at least, if not a true one,
when we assert that, after the constant conjunction
of two objects-heat and flame, for instance,
weight and solidity-we are determined by
custom alone to expect the one from the appearance
of the other. This hypothesis seems even
the only one which explains the difficulty,
why we draw, from a thousand instances, an
inference which we are not able to draw from
one instance, that is, in no respect, different
from them. Reason is incapable of any such
variation. The conclusions which it draws
from considering one circle are the same
which it would form upon surveying all the
circles in the universe. But no man, having
seen only one body move after being impelled
by another, could infer that every other
body will move after a like impulse. All
inferences from experience, therefore, are
effects of custom, not of reasoning7.
Custom, then, is the great guide of human
life. It is that principle alone which renders
our experience useful to us, and makes us
expect, for the future, a similar train of
events with those which have appeared in
the past.
Without the influence of custom, we should
be entirely ignorant of every matter of fact
beyond what is immediately present to the
memory and senses. We should never know how
to adjust means to ends, or to employ our
natural powers in the production of any effect.
There would be an end at once of all action,
as well as of the chief part of speculation.
37. But here it may be proper to remark,
that though our conclusions from experience
carry us beyond our memory and senses, and
assure us of matters of fact which happened
in the most distant places and most remote
ages, yet some fact must always be present
to the senses or memory, from which we may
first proceed in drawing these conclusions.
A man, who should find in a desert country
the remains of pompous buildings, would conclude
that the country had, in ancient times, been
cultivated by civilized inhabitants; but
did nothing of this nature occur to him,
he could never form such an inference. We
learn the events of former ages from history;
but then we must peruse the volumes in which
this instruction is contained, and thence
carry up our inferences from one testimony
to another, till we arrive at the eyewitnesses
and spectators of these distant events. In
a word, if we proceed not upon some fact,
present to the memory or senses, our reasonings
would be merely hypothetical; and however
the particular links might be connected with
each other, the whole chain of inferences
would have nothing to support it, nor could
we ever, by its means, arrive at the knowledge
of any real existence. If I ask why you believe
any particular matter of fact, which you
relate, you must tell me some reason; and
this reason will be some other fact, connected
with it. But as you cannot proceed after
this manner, in infinitum, you must at last
terminate in some fact, which is present
to your memory or senses; or must allow that
your belief is entirely without foundation.
38. What, then, is the conclusion of the
whole matter? A simple one; though, it must
be confessed, pretty remote from the common
theories of philosophy. All belief of matter
of fact or real existence is derived merely
from some object, present to the memory or
senses, and a customary conjunction between
that and some other object. Or in other words;
having found, in many instances, that any
two kinds of objects-flame and heat, snow
and cold-have always been conjoined together;
if flame or snow be presented anew to the
senses, the mind is carried by custom to
expect heat or cold, and to believe that
such a quality does exist, and will discover
itself upon a nearer approach. This belief
is the necessary result of placing the mind
in such circumstances. It is an operation
of the soul, when we are so situated, as
unavoidable as to feel the passion of love,
when we receive benefits; or hatred, when
we meet with injuries. All these operations
are a species of natural instincts, which
no reasoning or process of the thought and
understanding is able either to produce or
to prevent.
At this point, it would be very allowable
for us to stop our philosophical researches.
In most questions we can never make a single
step farther; and in all questions we must
terminate here at last, after our most restless
and curious enquiries. But still our curiosity
will be pardonable, perhaps commendable,
if it carry us on to still farther researches,
and make us examine more accurately the nature
of this belief, and of the customary conjunction,
whence it is derived. By this means we may
meet with some explications and analogies
that will give satisfaction; at least to
such as love the abstract sciences, and can
be entertained with speculations, which,
however accurate, may still retain a degree
of doubt and uncertainty. As to readers of
a different taste; the remaining part of
this section is not calculated for them,
and the following enquiries may well be understood,
though it be neglected.
PART II.
39. Nothing is more free than the imagination
of man; and though it cannot exceed that
original stock of ideas furnished by the
internal and external senses, it has unlimited
power of mixing, compounding, separating,
and dividing these ideas, in all the varieties
of fiction and vision. It can feign a train
of events, with all the appearance of reality,
ascribe to them a particular time and place,
conceive them as existent, and paint them
out to itself with every circumstance, that
belongs to any historical fact, which it
believes with the greatest certainty. Wherein,
therefore, consists the difference between
such a fiction and belief? It lies not merely
in any peculiar idea, which is annexed to
such a conception as commands our assent,
and which is wanting to every known fiction.
For as the mind has authority over all its
ideas, it could voluntarily annex this particular
idea to any fiction, and consequently be
able to believe whatever it pleases; contrary
to what we find by daily experience. We can,
in our conception, join the head of a man
to the body of a horse; but it is not in
our power to believe that such an animal
has ever really existed.
It follows, therefore, that the difference
between fiction and belief lies in some sentiment
or feeling, which is annexed to the latter,
not to the former, and which depends not
on the will, nor can be commanded at pleasure.
It must be excited by nature, like all other
sentiments; and must arise from the particular
situation, in which the mind is placed at
any particular juncture. Whenever any object
is presented to the memory or senses, it
immediately, by the force of custom, carries
the imagination to conceive that object,
which is usually conjoined to it; and this
conception is attended with a feeling or
sentiment, different from the loose reveries
of the fancy. In this consists the whole
nature of belief. For as there is no matter
of fact which we believe so firmly that we
cannot conceive the contrary, there would
be no difference between the conception assented
to and that which is rejected, were it not
for some sentiment which distinguishes the
one from the other. If I see a billiard-ball
moving towards another, on a smooth table,
I can easily conceive it to stop upon contact.
This conception implies no contradiction;
but still it feels very differently from
that conception by which I represent to myself
the impulse and the communication of motion
from one ball to another.
40. Were we to attempt a definition of this
sentiment, we should, perhaps, find it a
very difficult, if not an impossible task;
in the same manner as if we should endeavour
to define the feeling of cold or passion
of anger, to a creature who never had any
experience of these sentiments. Belief is
the true and proper name of this feeling;
and no one is ever at a loss to know the
meaning of that term; because every man is
every moment conscious of the sentiment represented
by it. It may not, however, be improper to
attempt a description of this sentiment;
in hopes we may, by that means, arrive at
some analogies, which may afford a more perfect
explication of it. I say, then, that belief
is nothing but a more vivid, lively, forcible,
firm, steady conception of an object, than
what the imagination alone is ever able to
attain. This variety of terms, which may
seem so unphilosophical, is intended only
to express that act of the mind, which renders
realities, or what is taken for such, more
present to us than fictions, causes them
to weigh more in the thought, and gives them
a superior influence on the passions and
imagination. Provided we agree about the
thing, it is needless to dispute about the
terms. The imagination has the command over
all its ideas, and can join and mix and vary
them, in all the ways possible. It may conceive
fictitious objects with all the circumstances
of place and time. It may set them, in a
manner, before our eyes, in their true colours,
just as they might have existed. But as it
is impossible that this faculty of imagination
can ever, of itself, reach belief, it is
evident that belief consists not in the peculiar
nature or order of ideas, but in the manner
of their conception, and in their feeling
to the mind. I confess, that it is impossible
perfectly to explain this feeling or manner
of conception. We may make use of words which
express something near it. But its true and
proper name, as we observed before, is belief;
which is a term that every one sufficiently
understands in common life. And in philosophy,
we can go no farther than assert, that belief
is something felt by the mind, which distinguishes
the ideas of the judgement from the fictions
of the imagination. It gives them more weight
and influence; makes them appear of greater
importance; enforces them in the mind; and
renders them the governing principle of our
actions. I hear at present, for instance,
a person's voice, with whom I am acquainted;
and the sound comes as from the next room.
This impression of my senses immediately
conveys my thought to the person, together
with all the surrounding objects. I paint
them out to myself as existing at present,
with the same qualities and relations, of
which I formerly knew them possessed. These
ideas take faster hold of my mind than ideas
of an enchanted castle. They are very different
to the feeling, and have a much greater influence
of every kind, either to give pleasure or
pain, joy or sorrow.
Let us, then, take in the whole compass of
this doctrine, and allow, that the sentiment
of belief is nothing but a conception more
intense and steady than what attends the
mere fictions of the imagination, and that
this manner of conception arises from a customary
conjunction of the object with something
present to the memory or senses: I believe
that it will not be difficult, upon these
suppositions, to find other operations of
the mind analogous to it, and to trace up
these phenomena to principles still more
general.
41. We have already observed that nature
has established connexions among particular
ideas, and that no sooner one idea occurs
to our thoughts than it introduces its correlative,
and carries our attention towards it, by
a gentle and insensible movement. These principles
of connexion or association we have reduced
to three, namely, Resemblance, Contiguity
and Causation; which are the only bonds that
unite our thoughts together, and beget that
regular train of reflection or discourse,
which, in a greater or less degree, takes
place among all mankind. Now here arises
a question, on which the solution of the
present difficulty will depend. Does it happen,
in all these relations, that, when one of
the objects is presented to the senses or
memory, the mind is not only carried to the
conception of the correlative, but reaches
a steadier and stronger conception of it
than what otherwise it would have been able
to attain? This seems to be the case with
that belief which arises from the relation
of cause and effect. And if the case be the
same with the other relations or principles
of associations, this may be established
as a general law, which takes place in all
the operations of the mind.
We may, therefore, observe, as the first
experiment to our present purpose, that,
upon the appearance of the picture of an
absent friend, our idea of him is evidently
enlivened by the resemblance, and that every
passion, which that idea occasions, whether
of joy or sorrow, acquires new force and
vigour. In producing this effect, there concur
both a relation and a present impression.
Where the picture bears him no resemblance,
at least was not intended for him, it never
so much as conveys our thought to him: And
where it is absent, as well as the person,
though the mind may pass from the thought
of the one to that of the other, it feels
its idea to be rather weakened than enlivened
by that transition. We take a pleasure in
viewing the picture of a friend, when it
is set before us; but when it is removed,
rather choose to consider him directly than
by reflection in an image, which is equally
distant and obscure.
The ceremonies of the Roman Catholic religion
may be considered as instances of the same
nature. The devotees of that superstition
usually plead in excuse for the mummeries,
with which they are upbraided, that they
feel the good effect of those external motions,
and postures, and actions, in enlivening
their devotion and quickening their fervour,
which otherwise would decay, if directed
entirely to distant and immaterial objects.
We shadow out the objects of our faith, say
they, in sensible types and images, and render
them more present to us by the immediate
presence of these types, than it is possible
for us to do merely by an intellectual view
and contemplation. Sensible objects have
always a greater influence on the fancy than
any other; and this influence they readily
convey to those ideas to which they are related,
and which they resemble. I shall only infer
from these practices, and this reasoning,
that the effect of resemblance in enlivening
the ideas is very common; and as in every
case a resemblance and a present impression
must concur, we are abundantly supplied with
experiments to prove the reality of the foregoing
principle.
42. We may add force to these experiments
by others of a different kind, in considering
the effects of contiguity as well as of resemblance.
It is certain that distance diminishes the
force of every idea, and that, upon our approach
to any object; though it does not discover
itself to our senses; it operates upon the
mind with an influence, which imitates an
immediate impression. The thinking on any
object readily transports the mind to what
is contiguous; but it is only the actual
presence of an object, that transports it
with a superior vivacity. When I am a few
miles from home, whatever relates to it touches
me more nearly than when I am two hundred
leagues distant; though even at that distance
the reflecting on any thing in the neighbourhood
of my friends or family naturally produces
an idea of them. But as in this latter case,
both the objects of the mind are ideas; notwithstanding
there is an easy transition between them;
that transition alone is not able to give
a superior vivacity to any of the ideas,
for want of some immediate impression8.
43. No one can doubt but causation has the
same influence as the other two relations
of resemblance and contiguity. Superstitious
people are fond of the reliques of saints
and holy men, for the same reason, that they
seek after types or images, in order to enliven
their devotion, and give them a more intimate
and strong conception of those exemplary
lives, which they desire to imitate. Now
it is evident, that one of the best reliques,
which a devotee could procure, would be the
handywork of a saint; and if his cloaths
and furniture are ever to be considered in
this light, it is because they were once
at his disposal, and were moved and affected
by him; in which respect they are to be considered
as imperfect effects, and as connected with
him by a shorter chain of consequences than
any of those, by which we learn the reality
of his existence.
Suppose, that the son of a friend, who had
been long dead or absent, were presented
to us; it is evident, that this object would
instantly revive its correlative idea, and
recal to our thoughts all past intimacies
and familiarities, in more lively colours
than they would otherwise have appeared to
us. This is another phaenomenon, which seems
to prove the principle above mentioned.
44. We may observe, that, in these phaenomena,
the belief of the correlative object is always
presupposed; without which the relation could
have no effect. The influence of the picture
supposes, that we believe our friend to have
once existed. Contiguity to home can never
excite our ideas of home, unless we believe
that it really exists. Now I assert, that
this belief, where it reaches beyond the
memory or senses, is of a similar nature,
and arises from similar causes, with the
transition of thought and vivacity of conception
here explained. When I throw a piece of dry
wood into a fire, my mind is immediately
carried to conceive, that it augments, not
extinguishes the flame. This transition of
thought from the cause to the effect proceeds
not from reason. It derives its origin altogether
from custom and experience. And as it first
begins from an object, present to the senses,
it renders the idea or conception of flame
more strong and lively than any loose, floating
reverie of the imagination. That idea arises
immediately. The thought moves instantly
towards it, and conveys to it all that force
of conception, which is derived from the
impression present to the senses. When a
sword is levelled at my breast, does not
the idea of wound and pain strike me more
strongly, than when a glass of wine is presented
to me, even though by accident this idea
should occur after the appearance of the
latter object? But what is there in this
whole matter to cause such a strong conception,
except only a present object and a customary
transition to the idea of another object,
which we have been accustomed to conjoin
with the former? This is the whole operation
of the mind, in all our conclusions concerning
matter of fact and existence; and it is a
satisfaction to find some analogies, by which
it may be explained. The transition from
a present object does in all cases give strength
and solidity to the related idea.
Here, then, is a kind of pre-established
harmony between the course of nature and
the succession of our ideas; and though the
powers and forces, by which the former is
governed, be wholly unknown to us; yet our
thoughts and conceptions have still, we find,
gone on in the same train with the other
works of nature. Custom is that principle,
by which this correspondence has been effected;
so necessary to the subsistence of our species,
and the regulation of our conduct, in every
circumstance and occurrence of human life.
Had not the presence of an object, instantly
excited the idea of those objects, commonly
conjoined with it, all our knowledge must
have been limited to the narrow sphere of
our memory and senses; and we should never
have been able to adjust means to ends, or
employ our natural powers, either to the
producing of good, or avoiding of evil. Those,
who delight in the discovery and contemplation
of final causes, have here ample subject
to employ their wonder and admiration.
45. I shall add, for a further confirmation
of the foregoing theory, that, as this operation
of the mind, by which we infer like effects
from like causes, and vice versa, is so essential
to the subsistence of all human creatures,
it is not probable, that it could be trusted
to the fallacious deductions of our reason,
which is slow in its operations; appears
not, in any degree, during the first years
of infancy; and at best is, in every age
and period of human life, extremely liable
to error and mistake. It is more conformable
to the ordinary wisdom of nature to secure
so necessary an act of the mind, by some
instinct or mechanical tendency, which may
be infallible in its operations, may discover
itself at the first appearance of life and
thought, and may be independent of all the
laboured deductions of the understanding.
As nature has taught us the use of our limbs,
without giving us the knowledge of the muscles
and nerves, by which they are actuated; so
has she implanted in us an instinct, which
carries forward the thought in a correspondent
course to that which she has established
among external objects; though we are ignorant
of those powers and forces, on which this
regular course and succession of objects
totally depends.
SECTION VI
OF PROBABILITY 9.
46. Though there be no such thing as Chance
in the world; our ignorance of the real cause
of any event has the same influence on the
understanding, and begets a like species
of belief or opinion.
There is certainly a probability, which arises
from a superiority of chances on any side;
and according as this superiority encreases,
and surpasses the opposite chances, the probability
receives a proportionable encrease, and begets
still a higher degree of belief or assent
to that side, in which we discover the superiority.
If a dye were marked with one figure or number
of spots on four sides, and with another
figure or number of spots on the two remaining
sides, it would be more probable, that the
former would turn up than the latter; though,
if it had a thousand sides marked in the
same manner, and only one side different,
the probability would be much higher, and
our belief or expectation of the event more
steady and secure. This process of the thought
or reasoning may seem trivial and obvious;
but to those who consider it more narrowly,
it may, perhaps, afford matter for curious
speculation.
It seems evident, that, when the mind looks
forward to discover the event, which may
result from the throw of such a dye, it considers
the turning up of each particular side as
alike probable; and this is the very nature
of chance, to render all the particular events,
comprehended in it, entirely equal. But finding
a greater number of sides concur in the one
event than in the other, the mind is carried
more frequently to that event, and meets
it oftener, in revolving the various possibilities
or chances, on which the ultimate result
depends. This concurrence of several views
in one particular event begets immediately,
by an inexplicable contrivance of nature,
the sentiment of belief, and gives that event
the advantage over its antagonist, which
is supported by a smaller number of views,
and recurs less frequently to the mind. If
we allow, that belief is nothing but a firmer
and stronger conception of an object than
what attends the mere fictions of the imagination,
this operation may, perhaps, in some measure,
be accounted for. The concurrence of these
several views or glimpses imprints the idea
more strongly on the imagination; gives it
superior force and vigour; renders its influence
on the passions and affections more sensible;
and in a word, begets that reliance or security,
which constitutes the nature of belief and
opinion.
47. The case is the same with the probability
of causes, as with that of chance. There
are some causes, which are entirely uniform
and constant in producing a particular effect;
and no instance has ever yet been found of
any failure or irregularity in their operation.
Fire has always burned, and water suffocated
every human creature: The production of motion
by impulse and gravity is an universal law,
which has hitherto admitted of no exception.
But there are other causes, which have been
found more irregular and uncertain; nor has
rhubarb always proved a purge, or opium a
soporific to every one, who has taken these
medicines. It is true, when any cause fails
of producing its usual effect, philosophers
ascribe not this to any irregularity in nature;
but suppose, that some secret causes, in
the particular structure of parts, have prevented
the operation. Our reasonings, however, and
conclusions concerning the event are the
same as if this principle had no place. Being
determined by custom to transfer the past
to the future, in all our inferences; where
the past has been entirely regular and uniform,
we expect the event with the greatest assurance,
and leave no room for any contrary supposition.
But where different effects have been found
to follow from causes, which are to appearance
exactly similar, all these various effects
must occur to the mind in transferring the
past to the future, and enter into our consideration,
when we determine the probability of the
event. Though we give the preference to that
which has been found most usual, and believe
that this effect will exist, we must not
overlook the other effects, but must assign
to each of them a particular weight and authority,
in proportion as we have found it to be more
or less frequent. It is more probable, in
almost every country of Europe, that there
will be frost sometime in January, than that
the weather will continue open throughout
that whole month; though this probability
varies according to the different climates,
and approaches to a certainty in the more
northern kingdoms. Here then it seems evident,
that, when we transfer the past to the future,
in order to determine the effect, which will
result from any cause, we transfer all the
different events, in the same proportion
as they have appeared in the past, and conceive
one to have existed a hundred times, for
instance, another ten times, and another
once. As a great number of views do here
concur in one event, they fortify and confirm
it to the imagination, beget that sentiment
which we call belief, and give its object
the preference above the contrary event,
which is not supported by an equal number
of experiments, and recurs not so frequently
to the thought in transferring the past to
the future. Let any one try to account for
this operation of the mind upon any of the
received systems of philosophy, and he will
be sensible of the difficulty. For my part,
I shall think it sufficient, if the present
hints excite the curiosity of philosophers,
and make them sensible how defective all
common theories are in treating of such curious
and such sublime subjects.
SECTION VII.
OF THE IDEA OF NECESSARY CONNEXION.
PART I.
48. The great advantage of the mathematical
sciences above the moral consists in this,
that the ideas of the former, being sensible,
are always clear and determinate, the smallest
distinction between them is immediately perceptible,
and the same terms are still expressive of
the same ideas, without ambiguity or variation.
An oval is never mistaken for a circle, nor
an hyperbola for an ellipsis. The isosceles
and scalenum are distinguished by boundaries
more exact than vice and virtue, right and
wrong. If any term be defined in geometry,
the mind readily, of itself, substitutes,
on all occasions, the definition for the
term defined: Or even when no definition
is employed, the object itself may be presented
to the senses, and by that means be steadily
and clearly apprehended. But the finer sentiments
of the mind, the operations of the understanding,
the various agitations of the passions, though
really in themselves distinct, easily escape
us, when surveyed by reflection; nor is it
in our power to recal the original object,
as often as we have occasion to contemplate
it. Ambiguity, by this means, is gradually
introduced into our reasonings: Similar objects
are readily taken to be the same: And the
conclusion becomes at last very wide of the
premises.
One may safely, however, affirm, that, if
we consider these sciences in a proper light,
their advantages and disadvantages nearly
compensate each other, and reduce both of
them to a state of equality. If the mind,
with greater facility, retains the ideas
of geometry clear and determinate, it must
carry on a much longer and more intricate
chain of reasoning, and compare ideas much
wider of each other, in order to reach the
abstruser truths of that science. And if
moral ideas are apt, without extreme care,
to fall into obscurity and confusion, the
inferences are always much shorter in these
disquisitions, and the intermediate steps,
which lead to the conclusion, much fewer
than in the sciences which treat of quantity
and number. In reality, there is scarcely
a proposition in Euclid so simple, as not
to consist of more parts, than are to be
found in any moral reasoning which runs not
into chimera and conceit. Where we trace
the principles of the human mind through
a few steps, we may be very well satisfied
with our progress; considering how soon nature
throws a bar to all our enquiries concerning
causes, and reduces us to an acknowledgment
of our ignorance. The chief obstacle, therefore,
to our improvement in the moral or metaphysical
sciences is the obscurity of the ideas, and
ambiguity of the terms. The principal difficulty
in the mathematics is the length of inferences
and compass of thought, requisite to the
forming of any conclusion. And, perhaps,
our progress in natural philosophy is chiefly
retarded by the want of proper experiments
and phaenomena, which are often discovered
by chance, and cannot always be found, when
requisite, even by the most diligent and
prudent enquiry. As moral philosophy seems
hitherto to have received less improvement
than either geometry or physics, we may conclude,
that, if there be any difference in this
respect among these sciences, the difficulties,
which obstruct the progress of the former,
require superior care and capacity to be
surmounted.
49. There are no ideas, which occur in metaphysics,
more obscure and uncertain, than those of
power, force, energy or necessary connexion,
of which it is every moment necessary for
us to treat in all our disquisitions. We
shall, therefore, endeavour, in this section,
to fix, if possible, the precise meaning
of these terms, and thereby remove some part
of that obscurity, which is so much complained
of in this species of philosophy.
It seems a proposition, which will not admit
of much dispute, that all our ideas are nothing
but copies of our impressions, or, in other
words, that it is impossible for us to think
of any thing, which we have not antecedently
felt, either by our external or internal
senses. I have endeavoured10 to explain and
prove this proposition, and have expressed
my hopes, that, by a proper application of
it, men may reach a greater clearness and
precision in philosophical reasonings, than
what they have hitherto been able to attain.
Complex ideas may, perhaps, be well known
by definition, which is nothing but an enumeration
of those parts or simple ideas, that compose
them. But when we have pushed up definitions
to the most simple ideas, and find still
some ambiguity and obscurity; what resource
are we then possessed of? By what invention
can we throw light upon these ideas, and
render them altogether precise and determinate
to our intellectual view? Produce the impressions
or original sentiments, from which the ideas
are copied. These impressions are all strong
and sensible. They admit not of ambiguity.
They are not only placed in a full light
themselves, but may throw light on their
correspondent ideas, which lie in obscurity.
And by this means, we may, perhaps, attain
a new microscope or species of optics, by
which, in the moral sciences, the most minute,
and most simple ideas may be so enlarged
as to fall readily under our apprehension,
and be equally known with the grossest and
most sensible ideas, that can be the object
of our enquiry.
50. To be fully acquainted, therefore, with
the idea of power or necessary connexion,
let us examine its impression; and in order
to find the impression with greater certainty,
let us search for it in all the sources,
from which it may possibly be derived.
When we look about us towards external objects,
and consider the operation of causes, we
are never able, in a single instance, to
discover any power or necessary connexion;
any quality, which binds the effect to the
cause, and renders the one an infallible
consequence of the other. We only find, that
the one does actually, in fact, follow the
other. The impulse of one billiard-ball is
attended with motion in the second. This
is the whole that appears to the outward
senses. The mind feels no sentiment or inward
impression from this succession of objects:
Consequently, there is not, in any single,
particular instance of cause and effect,
any thing which can suggest the idea of power
or necessary connexion.
From the first appearance of an object, we
never can conjecture what effect will result
from it. But were the power or energy of
any cause discoverable by the mind, we could
foresee the effect, even without experience;
and might, at first, pronounce with certainty
concerning it, by mere dint of thought and
reasoning.
In reality, there is no part of matter, that
does ever, by its sensible qualities, discover
any power or energy, or give us ground to
imagine, that it could produce any thing,
or be followed by any other object, which
we could denominate its effect. Solidity,
extension, motion; these qualities are all
complete in themselves, and never point out
any other event which may result from them.
The scenes of the universe are continually
shifting, and one object follows another
in an uninterrupted succession; but the power
of force, which actuates the whole machine,
is entirely concealed from us, and never
discovers itself in any of the sensible qualities
of body. We know, that, in fact, heat is
a constant attendant of flame; but what is
the connexion between them, we have no room
so much as to conjecture or imagine. It is
impossible, therefore, that the idea of power
can be derived from the contemplation of
bodies, in single instances of their operation;
because no bodies ever discover any power,
which can be the original of this idea. 11
51. Since, therefore, external objects as
they appear to the senses, give us no idea
of power or necessary connexion, by their
operation in particular instances, let us
see, whether this idea be derived from reflection
on the operations of our own minds, and be
copied from any internal impression. It may
be said, that we are every moment conscious
of internal power; while we feel, that, by
the simple command of our will, we can move
the organs of our body, or direct the faculties
of our mind. An act of volition produces
motion in our limbs, or raises a new idea
in our imagination. This influence of the
will we know by consciousness. Hence we acquire
the idea of power or energy; and are certain,
that we ourselves and all other intelligent
beings are possessed of power. This idea,
then, is an idea of reflection, since it
arises from reflecting on the operations
of our own mind, and on the command which
is exercised by will, both over the organs
of the body and faculties of the soul.
52. We shall proceed to examine this pretension;
and first with regard to the influence of
volition over the organs of the body. This
influence, we may observe, is a fact, which,
like all other natural events, can be known
only by experience, and can never be foreseen
from any apparent energy or power in the
cause, which connects it with the effect,
and renders the one an infallible consequence
of the other. The motion of our body follows
upon the command of our will. Of this we
are every moment conscious. But the means,
by which this is effected; the energy, by
which the will performs so extraordinary
an operation; of this we are so far from
being immediately conscious, that it must
for ever escape our most diligent enquiry.
For first; is there any principle in all
nature more mysterious than the union of
soul with body; by which a supposed spiritual
substance acquires such an influence over
a material one, that the most refined thought
is able to actuate the grossest matter? Were
we empowered, by a secret wish, to remove
mountains, or control the planets in their
orbit; this extensive authority would not
be more extraordinary, nor more beyond our
comprehension. But if by consciousness we
perceived any power or energy in the will,
we must know this power; we must know its
connexion with the effect; we must know the
secret union of soul and body, and the nature
of both these substances; by which the one
is able to operate, in so many instances,
upon the other.
Secondly, We are not able to move all the
organs of the body with a like authority;
though we cannot assign any reason besides
experience, for so remarkable a difference
between one and the other. Why has the will
an influence over the tongue and fingers,
not over the heart or liver? This question
would never embarrass us, were we conscious
of a power in the former case, not in the
latter. We should then perceive, independent
of experience, why the authority of will
over the organs of the body is circumscribed
within such particular limits. Being in that
case fully acquainted with the power or force,
by which it operates, we should also know,
why its influence reaches precisely to such
boundaries, and no farther.
A man, suddenly struck with palsy in the
leg or arm, or who had newly lost those members,
frequently endeavours, at first to move them,
and employ them in their usual offices. Here
he is as much conscious of power to command
such limbs, as a man in perfect health is
conscious of power to actuate any member
which remains in its natural state and condition.
But consciousness never deceives. Consequently,
neither in the one case nor in the other,
are we ever conscious of any power. We learn
the influence of our will from experience
alone. And experience only teaches us, how
one event constantly follows another; without
instructing us in the secret connexion, which
binds them together, and renders them inseparable.
Thirdly, We learn from anatomy, that the
immediate object of power in voluntary motion,
is not the member itself which is moved,
but certain muscles, and nerves, and animal
spirits, and, perhaps, something still more
minute and more unknown, through which the
motion is successively propagated, ere it
reach the member itself whose motion is the
immediate object of volition. Can there be
a more certain proof, that the power, by
which this whole operation is performed,
so far from being directly and fully known
by an inward sentiment or consciousness,
is, to the last degree mysterious and unintelligible?
Here the mind wills a certain event: Immediately
another event, unknown to ourselves, and
totally different from the one intended,
is produced: This event produces another,
equally unknown: Till at last, through a
long succession, the desired event is produced.
But if the original power were felt, it must
be known: Were it known, its effect also
must be known; since all power is relative
to its effect. And vice versa, if the effect
be not known, the power cannot be known nor
felt. How indeed can we be conscious of a
power to move our limbs, when we have no
such power; but only that to move certain
animal spirits, which, though they produce
at last the motion of our limbs, yet operate
in such a manner as is wholly beyond our
comprehension?
We may, therefore, conclude from the whole,
I hope, without any temerity, though with
assurance; that our idea of power is not
copied from any sentiment or consciousness
of power within ourselves, when we give rise
to animal motion, or apply our limbs to their
proper use and office. That their motion
follows the command of the will is a matter
of common experience, like other natural
events: But the power or energy by which
this is effected, like that in other natural
events, is unknown and inconceivable. 12
53. Shall we then assert, that we are conscious
of a power or energy in our own minds, when,
by an act or command of our will, we raise
up a new idea, fix the mind to the contemplation
of it, turn it on all sides, and at last
dismiss it for some other idea, when we think
that we have surveyed it with sufficient
accuracy? I believe the same arguments will
prove, that even this command of the will
gives us no real idea of force or energy.
First, It must be allowed, that, when we
know a power, we know that very circumstance
in the cause, by which it is enabled to produce
the effect: For these are supposed to be
synonimous. We must, therefore, know both
the cause and effect, and the relation between
them. But do we pretend to be acquainted
with the nature of the human soul and the
nature of an idea, or the aptitude of the
one to produce the other? This is a real
creation; a production of something out of
nothing: Which implies a power so great,
that it may seem, at first sight, beyond
the reach of any being, less than infinite.
At least it must be owned, that such a power
is not felt, nor known, nor even conceivable
by the mind. We only feel the event, namely,
the existence of an idea, consequent to a
command of the will: But the manner, in which
this operation is performed, the power by
which it is produced, is entirely beyond
our comprehension.
Secondly, The command of the mind over itself
is limited, as well as its command over the
body; and these limits are not known by reason,
or any acquaintance with the nature of cause
and effect, but only by experience and observation,
as in all other natural events and in the
operation of external objects. Our authority
over our sentiments and passions is much
weaker than that over our ideas; and even
the latter authority is circumscribed within
very narrow boundaries. Will any one pretend
to assign the ultimate reason of these boundaries,
or show why the power is deficient in one
case, not in another.
Thirdly, This self-command is very different
at different times. A man in health possesses
more of it than one languishing with sickness.
We are more master of our thoughts in the
morning than in the evening: Fasting, than
after a full meal. Can we give any reason
for these variations, except experience?
Where then is the power, of which we pretend
to be conscious? Is there not here, either
in a spiritual or material substance, or
both, some secret mechanism or structure
of parts, upon which the effect depends,
and which, being entirely unknown to us,
renders the power or energy of the will equally
unknown and incomprehensible?
Volition is surely an act of the mind, with
which we are sufficiently acquainted. Reflect
upon it. Consider it on all sides. Do you
find anything in it like this creative power,
by which it raises from nothing a new idea,
and with a kind of Fiat, imitates the omnipotence
of its Maker, if I may be allowed so to speak,
who called forth into existence all the various
scenes of nature? So far from being conscious
of this energy in the will, it requires as
certain experience as that of which we are
possessed, to convince us that such extraordinary
effects do ever result from a simple act
of volition.
54. The generality of mankind never find
any difficulty in accounting for the more
common and familiar operations of nature-such
as the descent of heavy bodies, the growth
of plants, the generation of animals, or
the nourishment of bodies by food: But suppose
that, in all these cases, they perceive the
very force or energy of the cause, by which
it is connected with its effect, and is for
ever infallible in its operation. They acquire,
by long habit, such a turn of mind, that,
upon the appearance of the cause, they immediately
expect with assurance its usual attendant,
and hardly conceive it possible that any
other event could result from it. It is only
on the discovery of extraordinary phaenomena,
such as earthquakes, pestilence, and prodigies
of any kind, that they find themselves at
a loss to assign a proper cause, and to explain
the manner in which the effect is produced
by it. It is usual for men, in such difficulties,
to have recourse to some invisible intelligent
principle13 as the immediate cause of that
event which surprises them, and which, they
think, cannot be accounted for from the common
powers of nature. But philosophers, who carry
their scrutiny a little farther, immediately
perceive that, even in the most familiar
events, the energy of the cause is as unintelligible
as in the most unusual, and that we only
learn by experience the frequent Conjunction
of objects, without being ever able to comprehend
anything like Connexion between them.
55. Here, then, many philosophers think themselves
obliged by reason to have recourse, on all
occasions, to the same principle, which the
vulgar never appeal to but in cases that
appear miraculous and supernatural. They
acknowledge mind and intelligence to be,
not only the ultimate and original cause
of all things, but the immediate and sole
cause of every event which appears in nature.
They pretend that those objects which are
commonly denominated causes, are in reality
nothing but occasions; and that the true
and direct principle of every effect is not
any power or force in nature, but a volition
of the Supreme Being, who wills that such
particular objects should for ever be conjoined
with each other. Instead of saying that one
billiard-ball moves another by a force which
it has derived from the author of nature,
it is the Deity himself, they say, who, by
a particular volition, moves the second ball,
being determined to this operation by the
impulse of the first ball, in consequence
of those general laws which he has laid down
to himself in the government of the universe.
But philosophers advancing still in their
inquiries, discover that, as we are totally
ignorant of the power on which depends the
mutual operation of bodies, we are no less
ignorant of that power on which depends the
operation of mind on body, or of body on
mind; nor are we able, either from our senses
or consciousness, to assign the ultimate
principle in one case more than in the other.
The same ignorance, therefore, reduces them
to the same conclusion. They assert that
the Deity is the immediate cause of the union
between soul and body; and that they are
not the organs of sense, which, being agitated
by external objects, produce sensations in
the mind; but that it is a particular volition
of our omnipotent Maker, which excites such
a sensation, in consequence of such a motion
in the organ. In like manner, it is not any
energy in the will that produces local motion
in our members: It is God himself, who is
pleased to second our will, in itself impotent,
and to command that motion which we erroneously
attribute to our own power and efficacy.
Nor do philosophers stop at this conclusion.
They sometimes extend the same inference
to the mind itself, in its internal operations.
Our mental vision or conception of ideas
is nothing but a revelation made to us by
our Maker. When we voluntarily turn our thoughts
to any object, and raise up its image in
the fancy, it is not the will which creates
that idea: It is the universal Creator, who
discovers it to the mind, and renders it
present to us.
56. Thus, according to these philosophers,
every thing is full of God. Not content with
the principle, that nothing exists but by
his will, that nothing possesses any power
but by his concession: They rob nature, and
all created beings, of every power, in order
to render their dependence on the Deity still
more sensible and immediate. They consider
not that, by this theory, they diminish,
instead of magnifying, the grandeur of those
attributes, which they affect so much to
celebrate. It argues surely more power in
the Deity to delegate a certain degree of
power to inferior creatures than to produce
every thing by his own immediate volition.
It argues more wisdom to contrive at first
the fabric of the world with such perfect
foresight that, of itself, and by its proper
operation, it may serve all the purposes
of providence, than if the great Creator
were obliged every moment to adjust its parts,
and animate by his breath all the wheels
of that stupendous machine.
But if we would have a more philosophical
confutation of this theory, perhaps the two
following reflections may suffice.
57. First, it seems to me that this theory
of the universal energy and operation of
the Supreme Being is too bold ever to carry
conviction with it to a man, sufficiently
apprized of the weakness of human reason,
and the narrow limits to which it is confined
in all its operations. Though the chain of
arguments which conduct to it were ever so
logical, there must arise a strong suspicion,
if not an absolute assurance, that it has
carried us quite beyond the reach of our
faculties, when it leads to conclusions so
extraordinary, and so remote from common
life and experience. We are got into fairy
land, long ere we have reached the last steps
of our theory; and there we have no reason
to trust our common methods of argument,
or to think that our usual analogies and
probabilities have any authority. Our line
is too short to fathom such immense abysses.
And however we may flatter ourselves that
we are guided, in every step which we take,
by a kind of verisimilitude and experience,
we may be assured that this fancied experience
has no authority when we thus apply it to
subjects that lie entirely out of the sphere
of experience. But on this we shall have
occasion to touch afterwards. 14
Secondly, I cannot perceive any force in
the arguments on which this theory is founded.
We are ignorant, it is true, of the manner
in which bodies operate on each other: Their
force or energy is entirely incomprehensible:
But are we not equally ignorant of the manner
or force by which a mind, even the supreme
mind, operates either on itself or on body?
Whence, I beseech you, do we acquire any
idea of it? We have no sentiment or consciousness
of this power in ourselves. We have no idea
of the Supreme Being but what we learn from
reflection on our own faculties. Were our
ignorance, therefore, a good reason for rejecting
any thing, we should be led into that principle
of denying all energy in the Supreme Being
as much as in the grossest matter. We surely
comprehend as little the operations of one
as of the other. Is it more difficult to
conceive that motion may arise from impulse
than that it may arise from volition? All
we know is our profound ignorance in both
cases15.
PART II.
58. But to hasten to a conclusion of this
argument, which is already drawn out to too
great a length: We have sought in vain for
an idea of power or necessary connexion in
all the sources from which we could suppose
it to be derived. It appears that, in single
instances of the operation of bodies, we
never can, by our utmost scrutiny, discover
any thing but one event following another,
without being able to comprehend any force
or power by which the cause operates, or
any connexion between it and its supposed
effect. The same difficulty occurs in contemplating
the operations of mind on body-where we observe
the motion of the latter to follow upon the
volition of the former, but are not able
to observe or conceive the tie which binds
together the motion and volition, or the
energy by which the mind produces this effect.
The authority of the will over its own faculties
and ideas is not a whit more comprehensible:
So that, upon the whole, there appears not,
throughout all nature, any one instance of
connexion which is conceivable by us. All
events seem entirely loose and separate.
One event follows another; but we never can
observe any tie between them. They seem conjoined,
but never connected. And as we can have no
idea of any thing which never appeared to
our outward sense or inward sentiment, the
necessary conclusion seems to be that we
have no idea of connexion or power at all,
and that these words are absolutely without
any meaning, when employed either in philosophical
reasonings or common life.
59. But there still remains one method of
avoiding this conclusion, and one source
which we have not yet examined. When any
natural object or event is presented, it
is impossible for us, by any sagacity or
penetration, to discover, or even conjecture,
without experience, what event will result
from it, or to carry our foresight beyond
that object which is immediately present
to the memory and senses. Even after one
instance or experiment where we have observed
a particular event to follow upon another,
we are not entitled to form a general rule,
or foretell what will happen in like cases;
it being justly esteemed an unpardonable
temerity to judge of the whole course of
nature from one single experiment, however
accurate or certain. But when one particular
species of event has always, in all instances,
been conjoined with another, we make no longer
any scruple of foretelling one upon the appearance
of the other, and of employing that reasoning,
which can alone assure us of any matter of
fact or existence. We then call the one object,
Cause; the other, Effect. We suppose that
there is some connexion between them; some
power in the one, by which it infallibly
produces the other, and operates with the
greatest certainty and strongest necessity.
It appears, then, that this idea of a necessary
connexion among events arises from a number
of similar instances which occur of the constant
conjunction of these events; nor can that
idea ever be suggested by any one of these
instances, surveyed in all possible lights
and positions. But there is nothing in a
number of instances, different from every
single instance, which is supposed to be
exactly similar; except only, that after
a repetition of similar instances, the mind
is carried by habit, upon the appearance
of one event, to expect its usual attendant,
and to believe that it will exist. This connexion,
therefore, which we feel in the mind, this
customary transition of the imagination from
one object to its usual attendant, is the
sentiment or impression from which we form
the idea of power or necessary connexion.
Nothing farther is in the case. Contemplate
the subject on all sides; you will never
find any other origin of that idea. This
is the sole difference between one instance,
from which we can never receive the idea
of connexion, and a number of similar instances,
by which it is suggested. The first time
a man saw the communication of motion by
impulse, as by the shock of two billiard
balls, he could not pronounce that the one
event was connected: but only that it was
conjoined with the other. After he has observed
several instances of this nature, he then
pronounces them to be connected. What alteration
has happened to give rise to this new idea
of connexion? Nothing but that he now feels
these events to be connected in his imagination,
and can readily foretell the existence of
one from the appearance of the other. When
we say, therefore, that one object is connected
with another, we mean only that they have
acquired a connexion in our thought, and
give rise to this inference, by which they
become proofs of each other's existence:
A conclusion which is somewhat extraordinary,
but which seems founded on sufficient evidence.
Nor will its evidence be weakened by any
general diffidence of the understanding,
or sceptical suspicion concerning every conclusion
which is new and extraordinary. No conclusions
can be more agreeable to scepticism than
such as make discoveries concerning the weakness
and narrow limits of human reason and capacity.
60. And what stronger instance can be produced
of the surprising ignorance and weakness
of the understanding than the present? For
surely, if there be any relation among objects
which it imports to us to know perfectly,
it is that of cause and effect. On this are
founded all our reasonings concerning matter
of fact or existence. By means of it alone
we attain any assurance concerning objects
which are removed from the present testimony
of our memory and senses. The only immediate
utility of all sciences, is to teach us,
how to control and regulate future events
by their causes. Our thoughts and enquiries
are, therefore, every moment, employed about
this relation: Yet so imperfect are the ideas
which we form concerning it, that it is impossible
to give any just definition of cause, except
what is drawn from something extraneous and
foreign to it. Similar objects are always
conjoined with similar. Of this we have experience.
Suitably to this experience, therefore, we
may define a cause to be an object, followed
by another, and where all the objects similar
to the first are followed by objects similar
to the second. Or in other words where, if
the first object had not been, the second
never had existed. The appearance of a cause
always conveys the mind, by a customary transition,
to the idea of the effect. Of this also we
have experience. We may, therefore, suitably
to this experience, form another definition
of cause, and call it, an object followed
by another, and whose appearance always conveys
the thought to that other. But though both
these definitions be drawn from circumstances
foreign to the cause, we cannot remedy this
inconvenience, or attain any more perfect
definition, which may point out that circumstance
in the cause, which gives it a connexion
with its effect. We have no idea of this
connexion, nor even any distinct notion what
it is we desire to know, when we endeavour
at a conception of it. We say, for instance,
that the vibration of this string is the
cause of this particular sound. But what
do we mean by that affirmation? We either
mean that this vibration is followed by this
sound, and that all similar vibrations have
been followed by similar sounds: Or, that
this vibration is followed by this sound,
and that upon the appearance of one the mind
anticipates the senses, and forms immediately
an idea of the other. We may consider the
relation of cause and effect in either of
these two lights; but beyond these, we have
no idea of it. 16
61. To recapitulate, therefore, the reasonings
of this section: Every idea is copied from
some preceding impression or sentiment; and
where we cannot find any impression, we may
be certain that there is no idea. In all
single instances of the operation of bodies
or minds, there is nothing that produces
any impression, nor consequently can suggest
any idea of power or necessary connexion.
But when many uniform instances appear, and
the same object is always followed by the
same event; we then begin to entertain the
notion of cause and connexion. We then feel
a new sentiment or impression, to wit, a
customary connexion in the thought or imagination
between one object and its usual attendant;
and this sentiment is the original of that
idea which we seek for. For as this idea
arises from a number of similar instances,
and not from any single instance, it must
arise from that circumstance, in which the
number of instances differ from every individual
instance. But this customary connexion or
transition of the imagination is the only
circumstance in which they differ. In every
other particular they are alike. The first
instance which we saw of motion communicated
by the shock of two billiard balls (to return
to this obvious illustration) is exactly
similar to any instance that may, at present,
occur to us; except only, that we could not,
at first, infer one event from the other;
which we are enabled to do at present, after
so long a course of uniform experience. I
know not whether the reader will readily
apprehend this reasoning. I am afraid that,
should I multiply words about it, or throw
it into a greater variety of lights, it would
only become more obscure and intricate. In
all abstract reasonings there is one point
of view which, if we can happily hit, we
shall go farther towards illustrating the
subject than by all the eloquence and copious
expression in the world. This point of view
we should endeavour to reach, and reserve
the flowers of rhetoric for subjects which
are more adapted to them.
SECTION VIII.
OF LIBERTY AND NECESSITY.
PART I.
62. It might reasonably be expected in questions
which have been canvassed and disputed with
great eagerness, since the first origin of
science and philosophy, that the meaning
of all the terms, at least, should have been
agreed upon among the disputants; and our
enquiries, in the course of two thousand
years, been able to pass from words to the
true and real subject of the controversy.
For how easy may it seem to give exact definitions
of the terms employed in reasoning, and make
these definitions, not the mere sound of
words, the object of future scrutiny and
examination? But if we consider the matter
more narrowly, we shall be apt to draw a
quite opposite conclusion. From this circumstance
alone, that a controversy has been long kept
on foot, and remains still undecided, we
may presume that there is some ambiguity
in the expression, and that the disputants
affix different ideas to the terms employed
in the controversy. For as the faculties
of the mind are supposed to be naturally
alike in every individual; otherwise nothing
could be more fruitless than to reason or
dispute together; it were impossible, if
men affix the same ideas to their terms,
that they could so long form different opinions
of the same subject; especially when they
communicate their views, and each party turn
themselves on all sides, in search of arguments
which may give them the victory over their
antagonists. It is true, if men attempt the
discussion of questions which lie entirely
beyond the reach of human capacity, such
as those concerning the origin of worlds,
or the economy of the intellectual system
or region of spirits, they may long beat
the air in their fruitless contests, and
never arrive at any determinate conclusion.
But if the question regard any subject of
common life and experience, nothing, one
would think, could preserve the dispute so
long undecided but some ambiguous expressions,
which keep the antagonists still at a distance,
and hinder them from grappling with each
other.
63. This has been the case in the long disputed
question concerning liberty and necessity;
and to so remarkable a degree that, if I
be not much mistaken, we shall find, that
all mankind, both learned and ignorant, have
always been of the same opinion with regard
to this subject, and that a few intelligible
definitions would immediately have put an
end to the whole controversy. I own that
this dispute has been so much canvassed on
all hands, and has led philosophers into
such a labyrinth of obscure sophistry, that
it is no wonder, if a sensible reader indulge
his ease so far as to turn a deaf ear to
the proposal of such a question, from which
he can expect neither instruction or entertainment.
But the state of the argument here proposed
may, perhaps, serve to renew his attention;
as it has more novelty, promises at least
some decision of the controversy, and will
not much disturb his ease by any intricate
or obscure reasoning.
I hope, therefore, to make it appear that
all men have ever agreed in the doctrine
both of necessity and of liberty, according
to any reasonable sense, which can be put
on these terms; and that the whole controversy
has hitherto turned merely upon words. We
shall begin with examining the doctrine of
necessity.
64. It is universally allowed that matter,
in all its operations, is actuated by a necessary
force, and that every natural effect is so
precisely determined by the energy of its
cause that no other effect, in such particular
circumstances, could possibly have resulted
from it. The degree and direction of every
motion is, by the laws of nature, prescribed
with such exactness that a living creature
may as soon arise from the shock of two bodies
as motion in any other degree or direction
than what is actually produced by it. Would
we, therefore, form a just and precise idea
of necessity, we must consider whence that
idea arises when we apply it to the operation
of bodies.
It seems evident that, if all the scenes
of nature were continually shifted in such
a manner that no two events bore any resemblance
to each other, but every object was entirely
new, without any similitude to whatever had
been seen before, we should never, in that
case, have attained the least idea of necessity,
or of a connexion among these objects. We
might say, upon such a supposition, that
one object or event has followed another;
not that one was produced by the other. The
relation of cause and effect must be utterly
unknown to mankind. Inference and reasoning
concerning the operations of nature would,
from that moment, be at an end; and the memory
and senses remain the only canals, by which
the knowledge of any real existence could
possibly have access to the mind. Our idea,
therefore, of necessity and causation arises
entirely from the uniformity observable in
the operations of nature, where similar objects
are constantly conjoined together, and the
mind is determined by custom to infer the
one from the appearance of the other. These
two circumstances form the whole of that
necessity, which we ascribe to matter. Beyond
the constant conjunction of similar objects,
and the consequent inference from one to
the other, we have no notion of any necessity
or connexion.
If it appear, therefore, that all mankind
have ever allowed, without any doubt or hesitation,
that these two circumstances take place in
the voluntary actions of men, and in the
operations of mind; it must follow, that
all mankind have ever agreed in the doctrine
of necessity, and that they have hitherto
disputed, merely for not understanding each
other.
65. As to the first circumstance, the constant
and regular conjunction of similar events,
we may possibly satisfy ourselves by the
following considerations. It is universally
acknowledged that there is a great uniformity
among the actions of men, in all nations
and ages, and that human nature remains still
the same, in its principles and operations.
The same motives always produce the same
actions. The same events follow from the
same causes. Ambition, avarice, self-love,
vanity, friendship, generosity, public spirit:
these passions, mixed in various degrees,
and distributed through society, have been,
from the beginning of the world, and still
are, the source of all the actions and enterprises,
which have ever been observed among mankind.
Would you know the sentiments, inclinations,
and course of life of the Greeks and Romans?
Study well the temper and actions of the
French and English: You cannot be much mistaken
in transferring to the former most of the
observations which you have made with regard
to the latter. Mankind are so much the same,
in all times and places, that history informs
us of nothing new or strange in this particular.
Its chief use is only to discover the constant
and universal principles of human nature,
by showing men in all varieties of circumstances
and situations, and furnishing us with materials
from which we may form our observations and
become acquainted with the regular springs
of human action and behaviour. These records
of wars, intrigues, factions, and revolutions,
are so many collections of experiments, by
which the politician or moral philosopher
fixes the principles of his science, in the
same manner as the physician or natural philosopher
becomes acquainted with the nature of plants,
minerals, and other external objects, by
the experiments which he forms concerning
them. Nor are the earth, water, and other
elements, examined by Aristotle, and Hippocrates,
more like to those which at present lie under
our observation than the men described by
Polybius and Tacitus are to those who now
govern the world.
Should a traveller, returning from a far
country, bring us an account of men, wholly
different from any with whom we were ever
acquainted; men, who were entirely divested
of avarice, ambition, or revenge; who knew
no pleasure but friendship, generosity, and
public spirit; we should immediately, from
these circumstances, detect the falsehood,
and prove him a liar, with the same certainty
as if he had stuffed his narration with stories
of centaurs and dragons, miracles and prodigies.
And if we would explode any forgery in history,
we cannot make use of a more convincing argument,
than to prove, that the actions ascribed
to any person are directly contrary to the
course of nature, and that no human motives,
in such circumstances, could ever induce
him to such a conduct. The veracity of Quintus
Curtius is as much to be suspected, when
he describes the supernatural courage of
Alexander, by which he was hurried on singly
to attack multitudes, as when he describes
his supernatural force and activity, by which
he was able to resist them. So readily and
universally do we acknowledge a uniformity
in human motives and actions as well as in
the operations of body.
Hence likewise the benefit of that experience,
acquired by long life and a variety of business
and company, in order to instruct us in the
principles of human nature, and regulate
our future conduct, as well as speculation.
By means of this guide, we mount up to the
knowledge of men's inclinations and motives,
from their actions, expressions, and even
gestures; and again descend to the interpretation
of their actions from our knowledge of their
motives and inclinations. The general observations
treasured up by a course of experience, give
us the clue of human nature, and teach us
to unravel all its intricacies. Pretexts
and appearances no longer deceive us. Public
declarations pass for the specious colouring
of a cause. And though virtue and honour
be allowed their proper weight and authority,
that perfect disinterestedness, so often
pretended to, is never expected in multitudes
and parties; seldom in their leaders; and
scarcely even in individuals of any rank
or station. But were there no uniformity
in human actions, and were every experiment
which we could form of this kind irregular
and anomalous, it were impossible to collect
any general observations concerning mankind;
and no experience, however accurately digested
by reflection, would ever serve to any purpose.
Why is the aged husbandman more skilful in
his calling than the young beginner but because
there is a certain uniformity in the operation
of the sun, rain, and earth towards the production
of vegetables; and experience teaches the
old practitioner the rules by which this
operation is governed and directed.
66. We must not, however, expect that this
uniformity of human actions should be carried
to such a length as that all men, in the
same circumstances, will always act precisely
in the same manner, without making any allowance
for the diversity of characters, prejudices,
and opinions. Such a uniformity in every
particular, is found in no part of nature.
On the contrary, from observing the variety
of conduct in different men, we are enabled
to form a greater variety of maxims, which
still suppose a degree of uniformity and
regularity.
Are the manners of men different in different
ages and countries? We learn thence the great
force of custom and education, which mould
the human mind from its infancy and form
it into a fixed and established character.
Is the behaviour and conduct of the one sex
very unlike that of the other? Is it thence
we become acquainted with the different characters
which nature has impressed upon the sexes,
and which she preserves with constancy and
regularity? Are the actions of the same person
much diversified in the different periods
of his life, from infancy to old age? This
affords room for many general observations
concerning the gradual change of our sentiments
and inclinations, and the different maxims
which prevail in the different ages of human
creatures. Even the characters, which are
peculiar to each individual, have a uniformity
in their influence; otherwise our acquaintance
with the persons and our observation of their
conduct could never teach us their dispositions,
or serve to direct our behaviour with regard
to them.
67. I grant it possible to find some actions,
which seem to have no regular connexion with
any known motives, and are exceptions to
all the measures of conduct which have ever
been established for the government of men.
But if we would willingly know what judgement
should be formed of such irregular and extraordinary
actions, we may consider the sentiments commonly
entertained with regard to those irregular
events which appear in the course of nature,
and the operations of external objects. All
causes are not conjoined to their usual effects
with like uniformity. An artificer, who handles
only dead matter, may be disappointed of
his aim, as well as the politician, who directs
the conduct of sensible and intelligent agents.
The vulgar, who take things according to
their first appearance, attribute the uncertainty
of events to such an uncertainty in the causes
as makes the latter often fail of their usual
influence; though they meet with no impediment
in their operation. But philosophers, observing
that, almost in every part of nature, there
is contained a vast variety of springs and
principles, which are hid, by reason of their
minuteness or remoteness, find, that it is
at least possible the contrariety of events
may not proceed from any contingency in the
cause, but from the secret operation of contrary
causes. This possibility is converted into
certainty by farther observation, when they
remark that, upon an exact scrutiny, a contrariety
of effects always betrays a contrariety of
causes, and proceeds from their mutual opposition.
A peasant can give no better reason for the
stopping of any clock or watch than to say
that it does not commonly go right: But an
artist easily perceives that the same force
in the spring or pendulum has always the
same influence on the wheels; but fails of
its usual effect, perhaps by reason of a
grain of dust, which puts a stop to the whole
movement. From the observation of several
parallel instances, philosophers form a maxim
that the connexion between all causes and
effects is equally necessary, and that its
seeming uncertainty in some instances proceeds
from the secret opposition of contrary causes.
Thus, for instance, in the human body, when
the usual symptoms of health or sickness
disappoint our expectation; when medicines
operate not with their wonted powers; when
irregular events follow from any particular
cause; the philosopher and physician are
not surprised at the matter, nor are ever
tempted to deny, in general, the necessity
and uniformity of those principles by which
the animal economy is conducted. They know
that a human body is a mighty complicated
machine: That many secret powers lurk in
it, which are altogether beyond our comprehension:
That to us it must often appear very uncertain
in its operations: And that therefore the
irregular events, which outwardly discover
themselves, can be no proof that the laws
of nature are not observed with the greatest
regularity in its internal operations and
government.
68. The philosopher, if he be consistent,
must apply the same reasoning to the actions
and volitions of intelligent agents. The
most irregular and unexpected resolutions
of men may frequently be accounted for by
those who know every particular circumstance
of their character and situation. A person
of an obliging disposition gives a peevish
answer: But he has the toothache, or has
not dined. A stupid fellow discovers an uncommon
alacrity in his carriage: But he has met
with a sudden piece of good fortune. Or even
when an action, as sometimes happens, cannot
be particularly accounted for, either by
the person himself or by others; we know,
in general, that the characters of men are,
to a certain degree, inconstant and irregular.
This is, in a manner, the constant character
of human nature; though it be applicable,
in a more particular manner, to some persons
who have no fixed rule for their conduct,
but proceed in a continued course of caprice
and inconstancy. The internal principles
and motives may operate in a uniform manner,
notwithstanding these seeming irregularities;
in the same manner as the winds, rain, clouds,
and other variations of the weather are supposed
to be governed by steady principles; though
not easily discoverable by human sagacity
and enquiry.
69. Thus it appears, not only that the conjunction
between motives and voluntary actions is
as regular and uniform as that between the
cause and effect in any part of nature; but
also that this regular conjunction has been
universally acknowledged among mankind, and
has never been the subject of dispute, either
in philosophy or common life. Now, as it
is from past experience that we draw all
inferences concerning the future, and as
we conclude that objects will always be conjoined
together which we find to have always been
conjoined; it may seem superfluous to prove
that this experienced uniformity in human
actions is a source whence we draw inferences
concerning them. But in order to throw the
argument into a greater variety of lights
we shall also insist, though briefly, on
this latter topic.
The mutual dependence of men is so great
in all societies that scarce any human action
is entirely complete in itself, or is performed
without some reference to the actions of
others, which are requisite to make it answer
fully the intention of the agent. The poorest
artificer, who labours alone, expects at
least the protection of the magistrate, to
ensure him the enjoyment of the fruits of
his labour. He also expects that, when he
carries his goods to market, and offers them
at a reasonable price, he shall find purchasers,
and shall be able, by the money he acquires,
to engage others to supply him with those
commodities which are requisite for his subsistence.
In proportion as men extend their dealings,
and render their intercourse with others
more complicated, they always comprehend,
in their schemes of life, a greater variety
of voluntary actions, which they expect,
from the proper motives, to co-operate with
their own. In all these conclusions they
take their measures from past experience,
in the same manner as in their reasonings
concerning external objects; and firmly believe
that men, as well as all the elements, are
to continue, in their operations, the same
that they have ever found them. A manufacturer
reckons upon the labour of his servants for
the execution of any work as much as upon
the tools which he employs, and would be
equally surprised were his expectations disappointed.
In short, this experimental inference and
reasoning concerning the actions of others
enters so much into human life that no man,
while awake, is ever a moment without employing
it. Have we not reason, therefore, to affirm
that all mankind have always agreed in the
doctrine of necessity according to the foregoing
definition and explication of it?
70. Nor have philosophers ever entertained
a different opinion from the people in this
particular. For, not to mention that almost
every action of their life supposes that
opinion, there are even few of the speculative
parts of learning to which it is not essential.
What would become of history, had we not
a dependence on the veracity of the historian
according to the experience which we have
had of mankind? How could politics be a science,
if laws and forms of goverment had not a
uniform influence upon society? Where would
be the foundation of morals, if particular
characters had no certain or determinate
power to produce particular sentiments, and
if these sentiments had no constant operation
on actions? And with what pretence could
we employ our criticism upon any poet or
polite author, if we could not pronounce
the conduct and sentiments of his actors
either natural or unnatural to such characters,
and in such circumstances? It seems almost
impossible, therefore, to engage either in
science or action of any kind without acknowledging
the doctrine of necessity, and this inference
from motive to voluntary actions, from characters
to conduct.
And indeed, when we consider how aptly natural
and moral evidence link together, and form
only one chain of argument, we shall make
no scruple to allow that they are of the
same nature, and derived from the same principles.
A prisoner who has neither money nor interest,
discovers the impossibility of his escape,
as well when he considers the obstinacy of
the gaoler, as the walls and bars with which
he is surrounded; and, in all attempts for
his freedom, chooses rather to work upon
the stone and iron of the one, than upon
the inflexible nature of the other. The same
prisoner, when conducted to the scaffold,
foresees his death as certainly from the
constancy and fidelity of his guards, as
from the operation of the axe or wheel. His
mind runs along a certain train of ideas:
The refusal of the soldiers to consent to
his escape; the action of the executioner;
the separation of the head and body; bleeding,
convulsive motions, and death. Here is a
connected chain of natural causes and voluntary
actions; but the mind feels no difference
between them in passing from one link to
another: Nor is less certain of the future
event than if it were connected with the
objects present to the memory or senses,
by a train of causes, cemented together by
what we are pleased to call a physical necessity.
The same experienced union has the same effect
on the mind, whether the united objects be
motives, volition, and actions; or figure
and motion. We may change the name of things;
but their nature and their operation on the
understanding never change.
Were a man, whom I know to be honest and
opulent, and with whom I live in intimate
friendship, to come into my house, where
I am surrounded with my servants, I rest
assured that he is not to stab me before
he leaves it in order to rob me of my silver
standish; and I no more suspect this event
than the falling of the house itself, which
is new, and solidly built and founded.-But
he may have been seized with a sudden and
unknown frenzy.-So may a sudden earthquake
arise, and shake and tumble my house about
my ears. I shall therefore change the suppositions.
I shall say that I know with certainty that
he is not to put his hand into the fire and
hold it there till it be consumed: And this
event, I think I can foretell with the same
assurance, as that, if he throw himself out
at the window, and meet with no obstruction,
he will not remain a moment suspended in
the air. No suspicion of an unknown frenzy
can give the least possibility to the former
event, which is so contrary to all the known
principles of human nature. A man who at
noon leaves his purse full of gold on the
pavement at Charing- Cross, may as well expect
that it will fly away like a feather, as
that he will find it untouched an hour after.
Above one half of human reasonings contain
inferences of a similar nature, attended
with more or less degrees of certainty proportioned
to our experience of the usual conduct of
mankind in such particular situations.
71. I have frequently considered, what could
possibly be the reason why all mankind, though
they have ever, without hesitation, acknowledged
the doctrine of necessity in their whole
practice and reasoning, have yet discovered
such a reluctance to acknowledge it in words,
and have rather shown a propensity, in all
ages, to profess the contrary opinion. The
matter, I think, may be accounted for after
the following manner. If we examine the operations
of body, and the production of effects from
their causes, we shall find that all our
faculties can never carry us farther in our
knowledge of this relation than barely to
observe that particular objects are constantly
conjoined together, and that the mind is
carried, by a customary transition, from
the appearance of one to the belief of the
other. But though this conclusion concerning
human ignorance be the result of the strictest
scrutiny of this subject, men still entertain
a strong propensity to believe that they
penetrate farther into the powers of nature,
and perceive something like a necessary connexion
between the cause and the effect. When again
they turn their reflections towards the operations
of their own minds, and feel no such connexion
of the motive and the action; they are thence
apt to suppose, that there is a difference
between the effects which result from material
force, and those which arise from thought
and intelligence. But being once convinced
that we know nothing farther of causation
of any kind than merely the constant conjunction
of objects, and the consequent inference
of the mind from one to another, and finding
that these two circumstances are universally
allowed to have place in voluntary actions;
we may be more easily led to own the same
necessity common to all causes. And though
this reasoning may contradict the systems
of many philosophers, in ascribing necessity
to the determinations of the will, we shall
find, upon reflection, that they dissent
from it in words only, not in their real
sentiment. Necessity, according to the sense
in which it is here taken, has never yet
been rejected, nor can ever, I think, be
rejected by any philosopher. It may only,
perhaps, be pretended that the mind can perceive,
in the operations of matter, some farther
connexion between the cause and effect; and
connexion that has not place in voluntary
actions of intelligent beings. Now whether
it be so or not, can only appear upon examination;
and it is incumbent on these philosophers
to make good their assertion, by defining
or describing that necessity, and pointing
it out to us in the operations of material
causes.
72. It would seem, indeed, that men begin
at the wrong end of this question concerning
liberty and necessity, when they enter upon
it by examining the faculties of the soul,
the influence of the understanding, and the
operations of the will. Let them first discuss
a more simple question, namely, the operations
of body and of brute unintelligent matter;
and try whether they can there form any idea
of causation and necessity, except that of
a constant conjunction of objects, and subsequent
inference of the mind from one to another.
If these circumstances form, in reality,
the whole of that necessity, which we conceive
in matter, and if these circumstances be
also universally acknowledged to take place
in the operations of the mind, the dispute
is at an end; at least, must be owned to
be thenceforth merely verbal. But as long
as we will rashly suppose, that we have some
farther idea of necessity and causation in
the operations of external objects; at the
same time, that we can find nothing farther
in the voluntary actions of the mind; there
is no possibility of bringing the question
to any determinate issue, while we proceed
upon so erroneous a supposition. The only
method of undeceiving us is to mount up higher;
to examine the narrow extent of science when
applied to material causes; and to convince
ourselves that all we know of them is the
constant conjunction and inference above
mentioned. We may, perhaps, find that it
is with difficulty we are induced to fix
such narrow limits to human understanding:
But we can afterwards find no difficulty
when we come to apply this doctrine to the
actions of the will. For as it is evident
that these have a regular conjunction with
motives and circumstances and characters,
and as we always draw inferences from one
to the other, we must be obliged to acknowledge
in words that necessity, which we have already
avowed, in every deliberation of our lives,
and in every step of our conduct and behaviour.
17
73. But to proceed in this reconciling project
with regard to the question of liberty and
necessity; the most contentious question
of metaphysics, the most contentious science;
it will not require many words to prove,
that all mankind have ever agreed in the
doctrine of liberty as well as in that of
necessity, and that the whole dispute, in
this respect also, has been hitherto merely
verbal. For what is meant by liberty, when
applied to voluntary actions? We cannot surely
mean that actions have so little connexion
with motives, inclinations, and circumstances,
that one does not follow with a certain degree
of uniformity from the other, and that one
affords no inference by which we can conclude
the existence of the other. For these are
plain and acknowledged matters of fact. By
liberty, then, we can only mean a power of
acting or not acting, according to the determinations
of the will; that is, if we choose to remain
at rest, we may; if we choose to move, we
also may. Now this hypothetical liberty is
universally allowed to belong to every one
who is not a prisoner and in chains. Here,
then, is no subject of dispute.
74. Whatever definition we may give of liberty,
we should be careful to observe two requisite
circumstances; first, that it be consistent
with plain matter of fact; secondly, that
it be consistent with itself. If we observe
these circumstances, and render our definition
intelligible, I am persuaded that all mankind
will be found of one opinion with regard
to it.
It is universally allowed that nothing exists
without a cause of its existence, and that
chance, when strictly examined, is a mere
negative word, and means not any real power
which has anywhere a being in nature. But
it is pretended that some causes are necessary,
some not necessary. Here then is the advantage
of definitions. Let any one define a cause,
without comprehending, as a part of the definition,
a necessary connexion with its effect; and
let him show distinctly the origin of the
idea, expressed by the definition; and I
shall readily give up the whole controversy.
But if the foregoing explication of the matter
be received, this must be absolutely impracticable.
Had not objects a regular conjunction with
each other, we should never have entertained
any notion of cause and effect; and this
regular conjunction produces that inference
of the understanding, which is the only connexion,
that we can have any comprehension of. Whoever
attempts a definition of cause, exclusive
of these circumstances, will be obliged either
to employ unintelligible terms or such as
are synonymous to the term which he endeavours
to define. 18 And if the definition above
mentioned be admitted; liberty, when opposed
to necessity, not to constraint, is the same
thing with chance; which is universally allowed
to have no existence.
PART II.
75. There is no method of reasoning more
common, and yet none more blameable, than,
in philosophical disputes, to endeavour the
refutation of any hypothesis, by a pretence
of its dangerous consequences to religion
and morality. When any opinion leads to absurdities,
it is certainly false; but it is not certain
that an opinion is false, because it is of
dangerous consequence. Such topics, therefore,
ought entirely to be forborne; as serving
nothing to the discovery of truth, but only
to make the person of an antagonist odious.
This I observe in general, without pretending
to draw any advantage from it. I frankly
submit to an examination of this kind, and
shall venture to affirm that the doctrines,
both of necessity and of liberty, as above
explained, are not only consistent with morality,
but are absolutely essential to its support.
Necessity may be defined two ways, conformably
to the two definitions of cause, of which
it makes an essential part. It consists either
in the constant conjunction of like objects,
or in the inference of the understanding
from one object to another. Now necessity,
in both these senses, (which, indeed, are
at bottom the same) has universally, though
tacitly, in the schools, in the pulpit, and
in common life, been allowed to belong to
the will of man; and no one has ever pretended
to deny that we can draw inferences concerning
human actions, and that those inferences
are founded on the experienced union of like
actions, with like motives, inclinations,
and circumstances. The only particular in
which any one can differ, is, that either,
perhaps, he will refuse to give the name
of necessity to this property of human actions:
But as long as the meaning is understood,
I hope the word can do no harm: Or that he
will maintain it possible to discover something
farther in the operations of matter. But
this, it must be acknowledged, can be of
no consequence to morality or religion, whatever
it may be to natural philosophy or metaphysics.
We may here be mistaken in asserting that
there is no idea of any other necessity or
connexion in the actions of body: But surely
we ascribe nothing to the actions of the
mind, but what everyone does, and must readily
allow of. We change no circumstance in the
received orthodox system with regard to the
will, but only in that with regard to material
objects and causes. Nothing, therefore, can
be more innocent, at least, than this doctrine.
76. All laws being founded on rewards and
punishments, it is supposed as a fundamental
principle, that these motives have a regular
and uniform influence on the mind, and both
produce the good and prevent the evil actions.
We may give to this influence what name we
please; but, as it is usually conjoined with
the action, it must be esteemed a cause,
and be looked upon as an instance of that
necessity, which we would here establish.
The only proper object of hatred or vengeance
is a person or creature, endowed with thought
and consciousness; and when any criminal
or injurious actions excite that passion,
it is only by their relation to the person,
or connexion with him. Actions are, by their
very nature, temporary and perishing; and
where they proceed not from some cause in
the character and disposition of the person
who performed them, they can neither redound
to his honour, if good; nor infamy, if evil.
The actions themselves may be blameable;
they may be contrary to all the rules of
morality and religion: But the person is
not answerable for them; and as they proceeded
from nothing in him that is durable and constant,
and leave nothing of that nature behind them,
it is impossible he can, upon their account,
become the object of punishment or vengeance.
According to the principle, therefore, which
denies necessity, and consequently causes,
a man is as pure and untainted, after having
committed the most horrid crime, as at the
first moment of his birth, nor is his character
anywise concerned in his actions, since they
are not derived from it, and the wickedness
of the one can never be used as a proof of
the depravity of the other.
Men are not blamed for such actions as they
perform ignorantly and casually, whatever
may be the consequences. Why? but because
the principles of these actions are only
momentary, and terminate in them alone. Men
are less blamed for such actions as they
perform hastily and unpremeditately than
for such as proceed from deliberation. For
what reason? but because a hasty temper,
though a constant cause or principle in the
mind, operates only by intervals, and infects
not the whole character. Again, repentance
wipes off every crime, if attended with a
reformation of life and manners. How is this
to be accounted for? but by asserting that
actions render a person criminal merely as
they are proofs of criminal principles in
the mind; and when, by an alteration of these
principles, they cease to be just proofs,
they likewise cease to be criminal. But,
except upon the doctrine of necessity, they
never were just proofs, and consequently
never were criminal.
77. It will be equally easy to prove, and
from the same arguments, that liberty, according
to that definition above mentioned, in which
all men agree, is also essential to morality,
and that no human actions, where it is wanting,
are susceptible of any moral qualities, or
can be the objects either of approbation
or dislike. For as actions are objects of
our moral sentiment, so far only as they
are indications of the internal character,
passions, and affections; it is impossible
that they can give rise either to praise
or blame, where they proceed not from these
principles, but are derived altogether from
external violence.
78. I pretend not to have obviated or removed
all objections to this theory, with regard
to necessity and liberty. I can foresee other
objections, derived from topics which have
not here been treated of. It may be said,
for instance, that, if voluntary actions
be subjected to the same laws of necessity
with the operations of matter, there is a
continued chain of necessary causes, pre-ordained
and pre-determined, reaching from the original
cause of all to every single volition of
every human creature. No contingency anywhere
in the universe; no indifference; no liberty.
While we act, we are, at the same time, acted
upon. The ultimate Author of all our volitions
is the Creator of the world, who first bestowed
motion on this immense machine, and placed
all beings in that particular position, whence
every subsequent event, by an inevitable
necessity, must result. Human actions, therefore,
either can have no moral turpitude at all,
as proceeding from so good a cause; or if
they have any turpitude, they must involve
our Creator in the same guilt, while he is
acknowledged to be their ultimate cause and
author. For as a man, who fired a mine, is
answerable for all the consequences whether
the train he employed be long or short; so
wherever a continued chain of necessary causes
is fixed, that Being, either finite or infinite,
who produces the first, is likewise the author
of all the rest, and must both bear the blame
and acquire the praise which belong to them.
Our clear and unalterable ideas of morality
establish this rule, upon unquestionable
reasons, when we examine the consequences
of any human action; and these reasons must
still have greater force when applied to
the volitions and intentions of a Being infinitely
wise and powerful. Ignorance or impotence
may be pleaded for so limited a creature
as man; but those imperfections have no place
in our Creator. He foresaw, he ordained,
he intended all those actions of men, which
we so rashly pronounce criminal. And we must
therefore conclude, either that they are
not criminal, or that the Deity, not man,
is accountable for them. But as either of
these positions is absurd and impious, it
follows, that the doctrine from which they
are deduced cannot possibly be true, as being
liable to all the same objections. An absurd
consequence, if necessary, proves the original
doctrine to be absurd; in the same manner
as criminal actions render criminal the original
cause, if the connexion between them be necessary
and evitable.
This objection consists of two parts, which
we shall examine separately; First, that,
if human actions can be traced up, by a necessary
chain, to the Deity, they can never be criminal;
on account of the infinite perfection of
that Being from whom they are derived, and
who can intend nothing but what is altogether
good and laudable. Or, Secondly, if they
be criminal, we must retract the attribute
of perfection, which we ascribe to the Deity,
and must acknowledge him to be the ultimate
author of guilt and moral turpitude in all
his creatures.
79. The answer to the first objection seems
obvious and convincing. There are many philosophers
who, after an exact scrutiny of all the phenomena
of nature, conclude, that the WHOLE, considered
as one system, is, in every period of its
existence, ordered with perfect benevolence;
and that the utmost possible happiness will,
in the end, result to all created beings,
without any mixture of positive or absolute
ill or misery. Every physical ill, say they,
makes an essential part of this benevolent
system, and could not possibly be removed,
even by the Deity himself, considered as
a wise agent, without giving entrance to
greater ill, or excluding greater good, which
will result from it. From this theory, some
philosophers, and the ancient Stoics among
the rest, derived a topic of consolation
under all afflictions, while they taught
their pupils that those ills under which
they laboured were, in reality, goods to
the universe; and that to an enlarged view,
which could comprehend the whole system of
nature, every event became an object of joy
and exultation. But though this topic be
specious and sublime, it was soon found in
practice weak and ineffectual. You would
surely more irritate than appease a man lying
under the racking pains of the gout by preaching
up to him the rectitude of those general
laws, which produced the malignant humours
in his body, and led them through the proper
canals, to the sinews and nerves, where they
now excite such acute torments. These enlarged
views may, for a moment, please the imagination
of a speculative man, who is placed in ease
and security; but neither can they dwell
with constancy on his mind, even though undisturbed
by the emotions of pain or passion; much
less can they maintain their ground when
attacked by such powerful antagonists. The
affections take a narrower and more natural
survey of their object; and by an economy,
more suitable to the infirmity of human minds,
regard alone the beings around us, and are
actuated by such events as appear good or
ill to the private system.
80. The case is the same with moral as with
physical ill. It cannot reasonably be supposed,
that those remote considerations, which are
found of so little efficacy with regard to
one, will have a more powerful influence
with regard to the other. The mind of man
is so formed by nature that, upon the appearance
of certain characters, dispositions, and
actions, it immediately feels the sentiment
of approbation or blame; nor are there any
emotions more essential to its frame and
constitution. The characters which engage
our approbation are chiefly such as contribute
to the peace and security of human society;
as the characters which excite blame are
chiefly such as tend to public detriment
and disturbance: Whence it may reasonably
be presumed, that the moral sentiments arise,
either mediately or immediately, from a reflection
of these opposite interests. What though
philosophical meditations establish a different
opinion or conjecture; that everything is
right with regard to the WHOLE, and that
the qualities, which disturb society, are,
in the main, as beneficial, and are as suitable
to the primary intention of nature as those
which more directly promote its happiness
and welfare? Are such remote and uncertain
speculations able to counterbalance the sentiments
which arise from the natural and immediate
view of the objects? A man who is robbed
of a considerable sum; does he find his vexation
for the loss anywise diminished by these
sublime reflections? Why then should his
moral resentment against the crime be supposed
incompatible with them? Or why should not
the acknowledgment of a real distinction
between vice and virtue be reconcileable
to all speculative systems of philosophy,
as well as that of a real distinction between
personal beauty and deformity? Both these
distinctions are founded in the natural sentiments
of the human mind: And these sentiments are
not to be controuled or altered by any philosophical
theory or speculation whatsoever.
81. The second objection admits not of so
easy and satisfactory an answer; nor is it
possible to explain distinctly, how the Deity
can be the mediate cause of all the actions
of men, without being the author of sin and
moral turpitude. These are mysteries, which
mere natural and unassisted reason is very
unfit to handle; and whatever system she
embraces, she must find herself involved
in inextricable difficulties, and even contradictions,
at every step which she takes with regard
to such subjects. To reconcile the indifference
and contingency of human actions with prescience;
or to defend absolute decrees, and yet free
the Deity from being the author of sin, has
been found hitherto to exceed all the power
of philosophy. Happy, if she be thence sensible
of her temerity, when she pries into these
sublime mysteries; and leaving a scene so
full of obscurities and perplexities, return,
with suitable modesty, to her true and proper
province, the examination of common life;
where she will find difficulties enough to
employ her enquiries, without launching into
so boundless an ocean of doubt, uncertainty,
and contradiction!
SECTION IX.
OF THE REASON OF ANIMALS.
82. All our reasonings concerning matter
of fact are founded on a species of Analogy,
which leads us to expect from any cause the
same events, which we have observed to result
from similar causes. Where the causes are
entirely similar, the analogy is perfect,
and the inference, drawn from it, is regarded
as certain and conclusive: nor does any man
ever entertain a doubt, where he sees a piece
of iron, that it will have weight and cohesion
of parts; as in all other instances, which
have ever fallen under his observation. But
where the objects have not so exact a similarity,
the analogy is less perfect, and the inference
is less conclusive; though still it has some
force, in proportion to the degree of similarity
and resemblance. The anatomical observations,
formed upon one animal, are, by this species
of reasoning, extended to all animals; and
it is certain, that when the circulation
of the blood, for instance, is clearly proved
to have place in one creature, as a frog,
or fish, it forms a strong presumption, that
the same principle has place in all. These
analogical observations may be carried farther,
even to this science, of which we are now
treating; and any theory, by which we explain
the operations of the understanding, or the
origin and connexion of the passions in man,
will acquire additional authority, if we
find, that the same theory is requisite to
explain the same phenomena in all other animals.
We shall make trial of this, with regard
to the hypothesis, by which we have, in the
foregoing discourse, endeavoured to account
for all experimental reasonings; and it is
hoped, that this new point of view will serve
to confirm all our former observations.
83. First, It seems evident, that animals
as well as men learn many things from experience,
and infer, that the same events will always
follow from the same causes. By this principle
they become acquainted with the more obvious
properties of external objects, and gradually,
from their birth, treasure up a knowledge
of the nature of fire, water, earth, stones,
heights, depths, &c., and of the effects
which result from their operation. The ignorance
and inexperience of the young are here plainly
distinguishable from the cunning and sagacity
of the old, who have learned, by long observation,
to avoid what hurt them, and to pursue what
gave ease or pleasure. A horse, that has
been accustomed to the field, becomes acquainted
with the proper height which he can leap,
and will never attempt what exceeds his force
and ability. An old greyhound will trust
the more fatiguing part of the chace to the
younger, and will place himself so as to
meet the hare in her doubles; nor are the
conjectures, which he forms on this occasion,
founded in any thing but his observation
and experience.
This is still more evident from the effects
of discipline and education on animals, who,
by the proper application of rewards and
punishments, may be taught any course of
action, and most contrary to their natural
instincts and propensities. Is it not experience,
which renders a dog apprehensive of pain,
when you menace him, or lift up the whip
to beat him? Is it not even experience, which
makes him answer to his name, and infer,
from such an arbitrary sound, that you mean
him rather than any of his fellows, and intend
to call him, when you pronounce it in a certain
manner, and with a certain tone and accent?
In all these cases, we may observe, that
the animal infers some fact beyond what immediately
strikes his senses; and that this inference
is altogether founded on past experience,
while the creature expects from the present
object the same consequences, which it has
always found in its observation to result
from similar objects.
84. Secondly, It is impossible, that this
inference of the animal can be founded on
any process of argument or reasoning, by
which he concludes, that like events must
follow like objects, and that the course
of nature will always be regular in its operations.
For if there be in reality any arguments
of this nature, they surely lie too abstruse
for the observation of such imperfect understandings;
since it may well employ the utmost care
and attention of a philosophic genius to
discover and observe them. Animals, therefore,
are not guided in these inferences by reasoning:
Neither are children: Neither are the generality
of mankind, in their ordinary actions and
conclusions: Neither are philosophers themselves,
who, in all the active parts of life, are,
in the main, the same with the vulgar, and
are governed by the same maxims. Nature must
have provided some other principle, of more
ready, and more general use and application;
nor can an operation of such immense consequence
in life, as that of inferring effects from
causes, be trusted to the uncertain process
of reasoning and argumentation. Were this
doubtful with regard to men, it seems to
admit of no question with regard to the brute
creation; and the conclusion being once firmly
established in the one, we have a strong
presumption, from all the rules of analogy,
that it ought to be universally admitted,
without any exception or reserve. It is custom
alone, which engages animals, from every
object, that strikes their senses, to infer
its usual attendant, and carries their imagination,
from the appearance of the one, to conceive
the other, in that particular manner, which
we denominate belief. No other explication
can be given of this operation, in all the
higher, as well as lower classes of sensitive
beings, which fall under our notice and observation
19.
85. But though animals learn many parts of
their knowledge from observation, there are
also many parts of it, which they derive
from the original hand of nature; which much
exceed the share of capacity they possess
on ordinary occasions; and in which they
improve, little or nothing, by the longest
practice and experience. These we denominate
Instincts, and are so apt to admire as something
very extraordinary, and inexplicable by all
the disquisitions of human understanding.
But our wonder will, perhaps, cease or diminish,
when we consider, that the experimental reasoning
itself, which we possess in common with beasts,
and on which the whole conduct of life depends,
is nothing but a species of instinct or mechanical
power, that acts in us unknown to ourselves;
and in its chief operations, is not directed
by any such relations or comparisons of ideas,
as are the proper objects of our intellectual
faculties. Though the instinct be different,
yet still it is an instinct, which teaches
a man to avoid the fire; as much as that,
which teaches a bird, with such exactness,
the art of incubation, and the whole economy
and order of its nursery.
SECTION X
OF MIRACLES.
PART I.
86. There is, in Dr. Tillotson's writings,
an argument against the real presence, which
is as concise, and elegant, and strong as
any argument can possibly be supposed against
a doctrine, so little worthy of a serious
refutation. It is acknowledged on all hands,
says that learned prelate, that the authority,
either of the scripture or of tradition,
is founded merely in the testimony of the
apostles, who were eye-witnesses to those
miracles of our Saviour, by which he proved
his divine mission. Our evidence, then, for
the truth of the Christian religion is less
than the evidence for the truth of our senses;
because, even in the first authors of our
religion, it was no greater; and it is evident
it must diminish in passing from them to
their disciples; nor can any one rest such
confidence in their testimony, as in the
immediate object of his senses. But a weaker
evidence can never destroy a stronger; and
therefore, were the doctrine of the real
presence ever so clearly revealed in scripture,
it were directly contrary to the rules of
just reasoning to give our assent to it.
It contradicts sense, though both the scripture
and tradition, on which it is supposed to
be built, carry not such evidence with them
as sense; when they are considered merely
as external evidences, and are not brought
home to every one's breast, by the immediate
operation of the Holy Spirit.
Nothing is so convenient as a decisive argument
of this kind, which must at least silence
the most arrogant bigotry and superstition,
and free us from their impertinent solicitations.
I flatter myself, that I have discovered
an argument of a like nature, which, if just,
will, with the wise and learned, be an everlasting
check to all kinds of superstitious delusion,
and consequently, will be useful as long
as the world endures. For so long, I presume,
will the accounts of miracles and prodigies
be found in all history, sacred and profane.
87. Though experience be our only guide in
reasoning concerning matters of fact; it
must be acknowledged, that this guide is
not altogether infallible, but in some cases
is apt to lead us into errors. One, who in
our climate, should expect better weather
in any week of June than in one of December,
would reason justly, and conformably to experience;
but it is certain, that he may happen, in
the event, to find himself mistaken. However,
we may observe, that, in such a case, he
would have no cause to complain of experience;
because it commonly informs us beforehand
of the uncertainty, by that contrariety of
events, which we may learn from a diligent
observation. All effects follow not with
like certainty from their supposed causes.
Some events are found, in all countries and
all ages, to have been constantly conjoined
together: Others are found to have been more
variable, and sometimes to disappoint our
expectations; so that, in our reasonings
concerning matter of fact, there are all
imaginable degrees of assurance, from the
highest certainty to the lowest species of
moral evidence.
A wise man, therefore, proportions his belief
to the evidence. In such conclusions as are
founded on an infallible experience, he expects
the event with the last degree of assurance,
and regards his past experience as a full
proof of the future existence of that event.
In other cases, he proceeds with more caution:
He weighs the opposite experiments: He considers
which side is supported by the greater number
of experiments: to that side he inclines,
with doubt and hesitation; and when at last
he fixes his judgement, the evidence exceeds
not what we properly call probability. All
probability, then, supposes an opposition
of experiments and observations, where the
one side is found to overbalance the other,
and to produce a degree of evidence, proportioned
to the superiority. A hundred instances or
experiments on one side, and fifty on another,
afford a doubtful expectation of any event;
though a hundred uniform experiments, with
only one that is contradictory, reasonably
beget a pretty strong degree of assurance.
In all cases, we must balance the opposite
experiments, where they are opposite, and
deduct the smaller number from the greater,
in order to know the exact force of the superior
evidence.
88. To apply these principles to a particular
instance; we may observe, that there is no
species of reasoning more common, more useful,
and even necessary to human life, than that
which is derived from the testimony of men,
and the reports of eye-witnesses and spectators.
This species of reasoning, perhaps, one may
deny to be founded on the relation of cause
and effect. I shall not dispute about a word.
It will be sufficient to observe that our
assurance in any argument of this kind is
derived from no other principle than our
observation of the veracity of human testimony,
and of the usual conformity of facts to the
reports of witnesses. It being a general
maxim, that no objects have any discoverable
connexion together, and that all the inferences,
which we can draw from one to another, are
founded merely on our experience of their
constant and regular conjunction; it is evident,
that we ought not to make an exception to
this maxim in favour of human testimony,
whose connexion with any event seems, in
itself, as little necessary as any other.
Were not the memory tenacious to a certain
degree, had not men commonly an inclination
to truth and a principle of probity; were
they not sensible to shame, when detected
in a falsehood: Were not these, I say, discovered
by experience to be qualities, inherent in
human nature, we should never repose the
least confidence in human testimony. A man
delirious, or noted for falsehood and villany,
has no manner of authority with us.
And as the evidence, derived from witnesses
and human testimony, is founded on past experience,
so it varies with the experience, and is
regarded either as a proof or a probability,
according as the conjunction between any
particular kind of report and any kind of
object has been found to be constant or variable.
There are a number of circumstances to be
taken into consideration in all judgements
of this kind; and the ultimate standard,
by which we determine all disputes, that
may arise concerning them, is always derived
from experience and observation. Where this
experience is not entirely uniform on any
side, it is attended with an unavoidable
contrariety in our judgements, and with the
same opposition and mutual destruction of
argument as in every other kind of evidence.
We frequently hesitate concerning the reports
of others. We balance the opposite circumstances,
which cause any doubt or uncertainty; and
when we discover a superiority on any side,
we incline to it; but still with a diminution
of assurance, in proportion to the force
of its antagonist.
89. This contrariety of evidence, in the
present case, may be derived from several
different causes; from the opposition of
contrary testimony; from the character or
number of the witnesses; from the manner
of their delivering their testimony; or from
the union of all these circumstances. We
entertain a suspicion concerning any matter
of fact, when the witnesses contradict each
other; when they are but few, or of a doubtful
character; when they have an interest in
what they affirm; when they deliver their
testimony with hesitation, or on the contrary,
with too violent asseverations. There are
many other particulars of the same kind,
which may diminish or destroy the force of
any argument, derived from human testimony.
Suppose, for instance, that the fact, which
the testimony endeavours to establish, partakes
of the extraordinary and the marvellous;
in that case, the evidence, resulting from
the testimony, admits of a diminution, greater
or less, in proportion as the fact is more
or less unusual. The reason why we place
any credit in witnesses and historians, is
not derived from any connexion, which we
perceive a priori, between testimony and
reality, but because we are accustomed to
find a conformity between them. But when
the fact attested is such a one as has seldom
fallen under our observation, here is a contest
of two opposite experiences; of which the
one destroys the other, as far as its force
goes, and the superior can only operate on
the mind by the force, which remains. The
very same principle of experience, which
gives us a certain degree of assurance in
the testimony of witnesses, gives us also,
in this case, another degree of assurance
against the fact, which they endeavour to
establish; from which contradition there
necessarily arises a counterpoize, and mutual
destruction of belief and authority.
I should not believe such a story were it
told me by Cato, was a proverbial saying
in Rome, even during the lifetime of that
philosophical patriot. 20 The incredibility
of a fact, it was allowed, might invalidate
so great an authority.
The Indian prince, who refused to believe
the first relations concerning the effects
of frost, reasoned justly; and it naturally
required very strong testimony to engage
his assent to facts, that arose from a state
of nature, with which he was unacquainted,
and which bore so little analogy to those
events, of which he had had constant and
uniform experience. Though they were not
contrary to his experience, they were not
conformable to it. 21
90. But in order to encrease the probability
against the testimony of witnesses, let us
suppose, that the fact, which they affirm,
instead of being only marvellous, is really
miraculous; and suppose also, that the testimony
considered apart and in itself, amounts to
an entire proof; in that case, there is proof
against proof, of which the strongest must
prevail, but still with a diminution of its
force, in proportion to that of its antagonist.
A miracle is a violation of the laws of nature;
and as a firm and unalterable experience
has established these laws, the proof against
a miracle, from the very nature of the fact,
is as entire as any argument from experience
can possibly be imagined. Why is it more
than probable, that all men must die; that
lead cannot, of itself, remain suspended
in the air; that fire consumes wood, and
is extinguished by water; unless it be, that
these events are found agreeable to the laws
of nature, and there is required a violation
of these laws, or in other words, a miracle
to prevent them? Nothing is esteemed a miracle,
if it ever happen in the common course of
nature. It is no miracle that a man, seemingly
in good health, should die on a sudden: because
such a kind of death, though more unusual
than any other, has yet been frequently observed
to happen. But it is a miracle, that a dead
man should come to life; because that has
never been observed in any age or country.
There must, therefore, be a uniform experience
against every miraculous event, otherwise
the event would not merit that appellation.
And as a uniform experience amounts to a
proof, there is here a direct and full proof,
from the nature of the fact, against the
existence of any miracle; nor can such a
proof be destroyed, or the miracle rendered
credible, but by an opposite proof, which
is superior. 22
91. The plain consequence is (and it is a
general maxim worthy of our attention), 'That
no testimony is sufficient to establish a
miracle, unless the testimony be of such
a kind, that its falsehood would be more
miraculous, than the fact, which it endeavours
to establish; and even in that case there
is a mutual destruction of arguments, and
the superior only gives us an assurance suitable
to that degree of force, which remains, after
deducting the inferior.' When anyone tells
me, that he saw a dead man restored to life,
I immediately consider with myself, whether
it be more probable, that this person should
either deceive or be deceived, or that the
fact, which he relates, should really have
happened. I weigh the one miracle against
the other; and according to the superiority,
which I discover, I pronounce my decision,
and always reject the greater miracle. If
the falsehood of his testimony would be more
miraculous, than the event which he relates;
then, and not till then, can he pretend to
command my belief or opinion.
PART II.
92. In the foregoing reasoning we have supposed,
that the testimony, upon which a miracle
is founded, may possibly amount to an entire
proof, and that the falsehood of that testimony
would be a real prodigy: But it is easy to
shew, that we have been a great deal too
liberal in our concession, and that there
never was a miraculous event established
on so full an evidence.
For first, there is not to be found, in all
history, any miracle attested by a sufficient
number of men, of such unquestioned good-sense,
education, and learning, as to secure us
against all delusion in themselves; of such
undoubted integrity, as to place them beyond
all suspicion of any design to deceive others;
of such credit and reputation in the eyes
of mankind, as to have a great deal to lose
in case of their being detected in any falsehood;
and at the same time, attesting facts performed
in such a public manner and in so celebrated
a part of the world, as to render the detection
unavoidable: All which circumstances are
requisite to give us a full assurance in
the testimony of men.
93. Secondly. We may observe in human nature
a principle which, if strictly examined,
will be found to diminish extremely the assurance,
which we might, from human testimony, have,
in any kind of prodigy. The maxim, by which
we commonly conduct ourselves in our reasonings,
is, that the objects, of which we have no
experience, resembles those, of which we
have; that what we have found to be most
usual is always most probable; and that where
there is an opposition of arguments, we ought
to give the preference to such as are founded
on the greatest number of past observations.
But though, in proceeding by this rule, we
readily reject any fact which is unusual
and incredible in an ordinary degree; yet
in advancing farther, the mind observes not
always the same rule; but when anything is
affirmed utterly absurd and miraculous, it
rather the more readily admits of such a
fact, upon account of that very circumstance,
which ought to destroy all its authority.
The passion of surprise and wonder, arising
from miracles, being an agreeable emotion,
gives a sensible tendency towards the belief
of those events, from which it is derived.
And this goes so far, that even those who
cannot enjoy this pleasure immediately, nor
can believe those miraculous events, of which
they are informed, yet love to partake of
the satisfaction at second-hand or by rebound,
and place a pride and delight in exciting
the admiration of others.
With what greediness are the miraculous accounts
of travellers received, their descriptions
of sea and land monsters, their relations
of wonderful adventures, strange men, and
uncouth manners? But if the spirit of religion
join itself to the love of wonder, there
is an end of common sense; and human testimony,
in these circumstances, loses all pretensions
to authority. A religionist may be an enthusiast,
and imagine he sees what has no reality:
he may know his narrative to be false, and
yet persevere in it, with the best intentions
in the world, for the sake of promoting so
holy a cause: or even where this delusion
has not place, vanity, excited by so strong
a temptation, operates on him more powerfully
than on the rest of mankind in any other
circumstances; and self-interest with equal
force. His auditors may not have, and commonly
have not, sufficient judgement to canvass
his evidence: what judgement they have, they
renounce by principle, in these sublime and
mysterious subjects: or if they were ever
so willing to employ it, passion and a heated
imagination disturb the regularity of its
operations. Their credulity increases his
impudence: and his impudence overpowers their
credulity.
Eloquence, when at its highest pitch, leaves
little room for reason or reflection; but
addressing itself entirely to the fancy or
the affections, captivates the willing hearers,
and subdues their understanding. Happily,
this pitch it seldom attains. But what a
Tully or a Demosthenes could scarcely effect
over a Roman or Athenian audience, every
Capuchin, every itinerant or stationary teacher
can perform over the generality of mankind,
and in a higher degree, by touching such
gross and vulgar passions.
The many instances of forged miracles, and
prophecies, and supernatural events, which,
in all ages, have either been detected by
contrary evidence, or which detect themselves
by their absurdity, prove sufficiently the
strong propensity of mankind to the extraordinary
and the marvellous, and ought reasonably
to beget a suspicion against all relations
of this kind. This is our natural way of
thinking, even with regard to the most common
and most credible events. For instance: There
is no kind of report which rises so easily,
and spreads so quickly, especially in country
places and provincial towns, as those concerning
marriages; insomuch that two young persons
of equal condition never see each other twice,
but the whole neighbourhood immediately join
them together. The pleasure of telling a
piece of news so interesting, of propagating
it, and of being the first reporters of it,
spreads the intelligence. And this is so
well known, that no man of sense gives attention
to these reports, till he find them confirmed
by some greater evidence. Do not the same
passions, and others still stronger, incline
the generality of mankind to believe and
report, with the greatest vehemence and assurance,
all religious miracles?
94. Thirdly. It forms a strong presumption
against all supernatural and miraculous relations,
that they are observed chiefly to abound
among ignorant and barbarous nations; or
if a civilized people has ever given admission
to any of them, that people will be found
to have received them from ignorant and barbarous
ancestors, who transmitted them with that
inviolable sanction and authority, which
always attend received opinions. When we
peruse the first histories of all nations,
we are apt to imagine ourselves transported
into some new world; where the whole frame
of nature is disjointed, and every element
performs its operations in a different manner,
from what it does at present. Battles, revolutions,
pestilence, famine and death, are never the
effect of those natural causes, which we
experience. Prodigies, omens, oracles, judgements,
quite obscure the few natural events, that
are intermingled with them. But as the former
grow thinner every page, in proportion as
we advance nearer the enlightened ages, we
soon learn, that there is nothing mysterious
or supernatural in the case, but that all
proceeds from the usual propensity of mankind
towards the marvellous, and that, though
this inclination may at intervals receive
a check from sense and learning, it can never
be thoroughly extirpated from human nature.
It is strange, a judicious reader is apt
to say, upon the perusal of these wonderful
historians, that such prodigious events never
happen in our days. But it is nothing strange,
I hope, that men should lie in all ages.
You must surely have seen instances enough
of that frailty. You have yourself heard
many such marvellous relations started, which,
being treated with scorn by all the wise
and judicious, have at last been abandoned
even by the vulgar. Be assured, that those
renowned lies, which have spread and flourished
to such a monstrous height, arose from like
beginnings; but being sown in a more proper
soil, shot up at last into prodigies almost
equal to those which they relate.
It was a wise policy in that false prophet,
Alexander, who though now forgotten, was
once so famous, to lay the first scene of
his impostures in Paphlagonia, where, as
Lucian tells us, the people were extremely
ignorant and stupid, and ready to swallow
even the grossest delusion. People at a distance,
who are weak enough to think the matter at
all worth enquiry, have no opportunity of
receiving better information. The stories
come magnified to them by a hundred circumstances.
Fools are industrious in propagating the
imposture; while the wise and learned are
contented, in general, to deride its absurdity,
without informing themselves of the particular
facts, by which it may be distinctly refuted.
And thus the impostor above mentioned was
enabled to proceed, from his ignorant Paphlagonians,
to the enlisting of votaries, even among
the Grecian philosophers, and men of the
most eminent rank and distinction in Rome:
nay, could engage the attention of that sage
emperor Marcus Aurelius; so far as to make
him trust the success of a military expedition
to his delusive prophecies.
The advantages are so great, of starting
an imposture among an ignorant people, that,
even though the delusion should be too gross
to impose on the generality of them (which,
though seldom, is sometimes the case) it
has a much better chance for succeeding in
remote countries, than if the first scene
had been laid in a city renowned for arts
and knowledge. The most ignorant and barbarous
of these barbarians carry the report abroad.
None of their countrymen have a large correspondence,
or sufficient credit and authority to contradict
and beat down the delusion. Men's inclination
to the marvellous has full opportunity to
display itself. And thus a story, which is
universally exploded in the place where it
was first started, shall pass for certain
at a thousand miles distance. But had Alexander
fixed his residence at Athens, the philosophers
of that renowned mart of learning had immediately
spread, throughout the whole Roman empire,
their sense of the matter; which, being supported
by so great authority, and displayed by all
the force of reason and eloquence, had entirely
opened the eyes of mankind. It is true; Lucian,
passing by chance through Paphlagonia, had
an opportunity of performing this good office.
But, though much to be wished, it does not
always happen, that every Alexander meets
with a Lucian, ready to expose and detect
his impostures.
95. I may add as a fourth reason, which diminishes
the authority of prodigies, that there is
no testimony for any, even those which have
not been expressly detected, that is not
opposed by an infinite number of witnesses;
so that not only the miracle destroys the
credit of testimony, but the testimony destroys
itself. To make this the better understood,
let us consider, that, in matters of religion,
whatever is different is contrary; and that
it is impossible the religions of ancient
Rome, of Turkey, of Siam, and of China should,
all of them, be established on any solid
foundation. Every miracle, therefore, pretended
to have been wrought in any of these religions
(and all of them abound in miracles), as
its direct scope is to establish the particular
system to which it is attributed; so has
it the same force, though more indirectly,
to overthrow every other system. In destroying
a rival system, it likewise destroys the
credit of those miracles, on which that system
was established; so that all the prodigies
of different religions are to be regarded
as contrary facts, and the evidences of these
prodigies, whether weak or strong, as opposite
to each other. According to this method of
reasoning, when we believe any miracle of
Mahomet or his successors, we have for our
warrant the testimony of a few barbarous
Arabians: And on the other hand, we are to
regard the authority of Titus Livius, Plutarch,
Tacitus, and, in short, of all the authors
and witnesses, Grecian, Chinese, and Roman
Catholic, who have related any miracle in
their particular religion; I say, we are
to regard their testimony in the same light
as if they had mentioned that Mahometan miracle,
and had in express terms contradicted it,
with the same certainty as they have for
the miracle they relate. This argument may
appear over subtile and refined; but is not
in reality different from the reasoning of
a judge, who supposes, that the credit of
two witnesses, maintaining a crime against
any one, is destroyed by the testimony of
two others, who affirm him to have been two
hundred leagues distant, at the same instant
when the crime is said to have been committed.
96. One of the best attested miracles in
all profane history, is that which Tacitus
reports of Vespasian, who cured a blind man
in Alexandria, by means of his spittle, and
a lame man by the mere touch of his foot;
in obedience to a vision of the god Serapis,
who had enjoined them to have recourse to
the Emperor, for these miraculous cures.
The story may be seen in that fine historian23;
where every circumstance seems to add weight
to the testimony, and might be displayed
at large with all the force of argument and
eloquence, if any one were now concerned
to enforce the evidence of that exploded
and idolatrous superstition. The gravity,
solidity, age, and probity of so great an
emperor, who, through the whole course of
his life, conversed in a familiar manner
with his friends and courtiers, and never
affected those extraordinary airs of divinity
assumed by Alexander and Demetrius. The historian,
a cotemporary writer, noted for candour and
veracity, and withal, the greatest and most
penetrating genius, perhaps, of all antiquity;
and so free from any tendency to credulity,
that he even lies under the contrary imputation,
of atheism and profaneness: The persons,
from whose authority he related the miracle,
of established character for judgement and
veracity, as we may well presume; eye-witnesses
of the fact, and confirming their testimony,
after the Flavian family was despoiled of
the empire, and could no longer give any
reward, as the price of a lie. Utrumque,
qui interfuere, nunc quoque memorant, postquam
nullum mendacio pretium. To which if we add
the public nature of the facts, as related,
it will appear, that no evidence can well
be supposed stronger for so gross and so
palpable a falsehood.
There is also a memorable story related by
Cardinal de Retz, which may well deserve
our consideration. When that intriguing politician
fled into Spain, to avoid the persecution
of his enemies, he passed through Saragossa,
the capital of Arragon, where he was shewn,
in the cathedral, a man, who had served seven
years as a door-keeper, and was well known
to every body in town, that had ever paid
his devotions at that church. He had been
seen, for so long a time, wanting a leg;
but recovered that limb by the rubbing of
holy oil upon the stump; and the cardinal
assures us that he saw him with two legs.
This miracle was vouched by all the canons
of the church; and the whole company in town
were appealed to for a confirmation of the
fact; whom the cardinal found, by their zealous
devotion, to be thorough believers of the
miracle. Here the relater was also cotemporary
to the supposed prodigy, of an incredulous
and libertine character, as well as of great
genius; the miracle of so singular a nature
as could scarcely admit of a counterfeit,
and the witnesses very numerous, and all
of them, in a manner, spectators of the fact,
to which they gave their testimony. And what
adds mightily to the force of the evidence,
and may double our surprise on this occasion,
is, that the cardinal himself, who relates
the story, seems not to give any credit to
it, and consequently cannot be suspected
of any concurrence in the holy fraud. He
considered justly, that it was not requisite,
in order to reject a fact of this nature,
to be able accurately to disprove the testimony,
and to trace its falsehood, through all the
circumstances of knavery and credulity which
produced it. He knew, that, as this was commonly
altogether impossible at any small distance
of time and place; so was it extremely difficult,
even where one was immediately present, by
reason of the bigotry, ignorance, cunning,
and roguery of a great part of mankind. He
therefore concluded, like a just reasoner,
that such an evidence carried falsehood upon
the very face of it, and that a miracle,
supported by any human testimony, was more
properly a subject of derision than of argument.
There surely never was a greater number of
miracles ascribed to one person, than those,
which were lately said to have been wrought
in France upon the tomb of Abb(c) Paris,
the famous Jansenist, with whose sanctity
the people were so long deluded. The curing
of the sick, giving hearing to the deaf,
and sight to the blind, were every where
talked of as the usual effects of that holy
sepulchre. But what is more extraordinary;
many of the miracles were immediately proved
upon the spot, before judges of unquestioned
integrity, attested by witnesses of credit
and distinction, in a learned age, and on
the most eminent theatre that is now in the
world. Nor is this all: a relation of them
was published and dispersed every where;
nor were the Jesuits, though a learned body,
supported by the civil magistrate, and determined
enemies to those opinions, in whose favour
the miracles were said to have been wrought,
ever able distinctly to refute or detect
them24. Where shall we find such a number
of circumstances, agreeing to the corroboration
of one fact? And what have we to oppose to
such a cloud of witnesses, but the absolute
impossibility or miraculous nature of the
events, which they relate? And this surely,
in the eyes of all reasonable people, will
alone be regarded as a sufficient refutation.
97. Is the consequence just, because some
human testimony has the utmost force and
authority in some cases, when it relates
the battle of Philippi or Pharsalia for instance;
that therefore all kinds of testimony must,
in all cases, have equal force and authority?
Suppose that the Caesarean and Pompeian factions
had, each of them, claimed the victory in
these battles, and that the historians of
each party had uniformly ascribed the advantage
to their own side; how could mankind, at
this distance, have been able to determine
between them? The contrariety is equally
strong between the miracles related by Herodotus
or Plutarch, and those delivered by Mariana,
Bede, or any monkish historian.
The wise lend a very academic faith to every
report which favours the passion of the reporter;
whether it magnifies his country, his family,
or himself, or in any other way strikes in
with his natural inclinations and propensities.
But what greater temptation than to appear
a missionary, a prophet, an ambassador from
heaven? Who would not encounter many dangers
and difficulties, in order to attain so sublime
a character? Or if, by the help of vanity
and a heated imagination, a man has first
made a convert of himself, and entered seriously
into the delusion; who ever scruples to make
use of pious frauds, in support of so holy
and meritorious a cause?
The smallest spark may here kindle into the
greatest flame; because the materials are
always prepared for it. The avidum genus
auricularum25, the gazing populace, receive
greedily, without examination, whatever sooths
superstition, and promotes wonder.
How many stories of this nature have, in
all ages, been detected and exploded in their
infancy? How many more have been celebrated
for a time, and have afterwards sunk into
neglect and oblivion? Where such reports,
therefore, fly about, the solution of the
phenomenon is obvious; and we judge in conformity
to regular experience and observation, when
we account for it by the known and natural
principles of credulity and delusion. And
shall we, rather than have a recourse to
so natural a solution, allow of a miraculous
violation of the most established laws of
nature?
I need not mention the difficulty of detecting
a falsehood in any private or even public
history, at the place, where it is said to
happen; much more when the scene is removed
to ever so small a distance. Even a court
of judicature, with all the authority, accuracy,
and judgement, which they can employ, find
themselves often at a loss to distinguish
between truth and falsehood in the most recent
actions. But the matter never comes to any
issue, if trusted to the common method of
altercations and debate and flying rumours;
especially when men's passions have taken
part on either side.
In the infancy of new religions, the wise
and learned commonly esteem the matter too
inconsiderable to deserve their attention
or regard. And when afterwards they would
willingly detect the cheat, in order to undeceive
the deluded multitude, the season is now
past, and the records and witnesses, which
might clear up the matter, have perished
beyond recovery.
No means of detection remain, but those which
must be drawn from the very testimony itself
of the reporters: and these, though always
sufficient with the judicious and knowing,
are commonly too fine to fall under the comprehension
of the vulgar.
98. Upon the whole, then, it appears, that
no testimony for any kind of miracle has
ever amounted to a probability, much less
to a proof; and that, even supposing it amounted
to a proof, it would be opposed by another
proof; derived from the very nature of the
fact, which it would endeavour to establish.
It is experience only, which gives authority
to human testimony; and it is the same experience,
which assures us of the laws of nature. When,
therefore, these two kinds of experience
are contrary, we have nothing to do but substract
the one from the other, and embrace an opinion,
either on one side or the other, with that
assurance which arises from the remainder.
But according to the principle here explained,
this substraction, with regard to all popular
religions, amounts to an entire annihilation;
and therefore we may establish it as a maxim,
that no human testimony can have such force
as to prove a miracle, and make it a just
foundation for any such system of religion.
99. I beg the limitations here made may be
remarked, when I say, that a miracle can
never be proved, so as to be the foundation
of a system of religion. For I own, that
otherwise, there may possibly be miracles,
or violations of the usual course of nature,
of such a kind as to admit of proof from
human testimony; though, perhaps, it will
be impossible to find any such in all the
records of history. Thus, suppose, all authors,
in all languages, agree, that, from the first
of January 1600, there was a total darkness
over the whole earth for eight days: suppose
that the tradition of this extraordinary
event is still strong and lively among the
people: that all travellers, who return from
foreign countries, bring us accounts of the
same tradition, without the least variation
or contradiction: it is evident, that our
present philosophers, instead of doubting
the fact, ought to receive it as certain,
and ought to search for the causes whence
it might be derived. The decay, corruption,
and dissolution of nature, is an event rendered
probable by so many analogies, that any phenomenon,
which seems to have a tendency towards that
catastrophe, comes within the reach of human
testimony, if that testimony be very extensive
and uniform.
But suppose, that all the historians who
treat of England, should agree, that, on
the first of January 1600, Queen Elizabeth
died; that both before and after her death
she was seen by her physicians and the whole
court, as is usual with persons of her rank;
that her successor was acknowledged and proclaimed
by the parliament; and that, after being
interred a month, she again appeared, resumed
the throne, and governed England for three
years: I must confess that I should be surprised
at the concurrence of so many odd circumstances,
but should not have the least inclination
to believe so miraculous an event. I should
not doubt of her pretended death, and of
those other public circumstances that followed
it: I should only assert it to have been
pretended, and that it neither was, nor possibly
could be real. You would in vain object to
me the difficulty, and almost impossibility
of deceiving the world in an affair of such
consequence; the wisdom and solid judgement
of that renowned queen; with the little or
no advantage which she could reap from so
poor an artifice: All this might astonish
me; but I would still reply, that the knavery
and folly of men are such common phenomena,
that I should rather believe the most extraordinary
events to arise from their concurrence, than
admit of so signal a violation of the laws
of nature.
But should this miracle be ascribed to any
new system of religion; men, in all ages,
have been so much imposed on by ridiculous
stories of that kind, that this very circumstance
would be a full proof of a cheat, and sufficient,
with all men of sense, not only to make them
reject the fact, but even reject it without
farther examination. Though the Being to
whom the miracle is ascribed, be, in this
case, Almighty, it does not, upon that account,
become a whit more probable; since it is
impossible for us to know the attributes
or actions of such a Being, otherwise than
from the experience which we have of his
productions, in the usual course of nature.
This still reduces us to past observation,
and obliges us to compare the instances of
the violation of truth in the testimony of
men, with those of the violation of the laws
of nature by miracles, in order to judge
which of them is most likely and probable.
As the violations of truth are more common
in the testimony concerning religious miracles,
than in that concerning any other matter
of fact; this must diminish very much the
authority of the former testimony, and make
us form a general resolution, never to lend
any attention to it, with whatever specious
pretence it may be covered.
Lord Bacon seems to have embraced the same
principles of reasoning. 'We ought,' says
he, 'to make a collection or particular history
of all monsters and prodigious births or
productions, and in a word of every thing
new, rare, and extraordinary in nature. But
this must be done with the most severe scrutiny,
lest we depart from truth. Above all, every
relation must be considered as suspicious,
which depends in any degree upon religion,
as the prodigies of Livy: And no less so,
every thing that is to be found in the writers
of natural magic or alchimy, or such authors,
who seem, all of them, to have an unconquerable
appetite for falsehood and fable26.'
100. I am the better pleased with the method
of reasoning here delivered, as I think it
may serve to confound those dangerous friends
or disguised enemies to the Christian Religion,
who have undertaken to defend it by the principles
of human reason. Our most holy religion is
founded on Faith, not on reason; and it is
a sure method of exposing it to put it to
such a trial as it is, by no means, fitted
to endure. To make this more evident, let
us examine those miracles, related in scripture;
and not to lose ourselves in too wide a field,
let us confine ourselves to such as we find
in the Pentateuch, which we shall examine,
according to the principles of these pretended
Christians, not as the word or testimony
of God himself, but as the production of
a mere human writer and historian. Here then
we are first to consider a book, presented
to us by a barbarous and ignorant people,
written in an age when they were still more
barbarous, and in all probability long after
the facts which it relates, corroborated
by no concurring testimony, and resembling
those fabulous accounts, which every nation
gives of its origin. Upon reading this book,
we find it full of prodigies and miracles.
It gives an account of a state of the world
and of human nature entirely different from
the present: Of our fall from that state:
Of the age of man, extended to near a thousand
years: Of the destruction of the world by
a deluge: Of the arbitrary choice of one
people, as the favourites of heaven; and
that people the countrymen of the author:
Of their deliverance from bondage by prodigies
the most astonishing imaginable: I desire
any one to lay his hand upon his heart, and
after a serious consideration declare, whether
he thinks that the falsehood of such a book,
supported by such a testimony, would be more
extraordinary and miraculous than all the
miracles it relates; which is, however, necessary
to make it be received, according to the
measures of probability above established.
101. What we have said of miracles may be
applied, without any variation, to prophecies;
and indeed, all prophecies are real miracles,
and as such only, can be admitted as proofs
of any revelation. If it did not exceed the
capacity of human nature to foretell future
events, it would be absurd to employ any
prophecy as an argument for a divine mission
or authority from heaven. So that, upon the
whole, we may conclude, that the Christian
Religion not only was at first attended with
miracles, but even at this day cannot be
believed by any reasonable person without
one. Mere reason is insufficient to convince
us of its veracity: And whoever is moved
by Faith to assent to it, is conscious of
a continued miracle in his own person, which
subverts all the principles of his understanding,
and gives him a determination to believe
what is most contrary to custom and experience.
SECTION XI.
OF A PARTICULAR PROVIDENCE AND OF A FUTURE
STATE.
102. I was lately engaged in conversation
with a friend who loves sceptical paradoxes;
where, though he advanced many principles,
of which I can by no means approve, yet as
they seem to be curious, and to bear some
relation to the chain of reasoning carried
on throughout this enquiry, I shall here
copy them from my memory as accurately as
I can, in order to submit them to the judgement
of the reader.
Our conversation began with my admiring the
singular good fortune of philosophy, which,
as it requires entire liberty above all other
privileges, and chiefly flourishes from the
free opposition of sentiments and argumentation,
received its first birth in an age and country
of freedom and toleration, and was never
cramped, even in its most extravagant principles,
by any creeds, concessions, or penal statutes.
For, except the banishment of Protagoras,
and the death of Socrates, which last event
proceeded partly from other motives, there
are scarcely any instances to be met with,
in ancient history, of this bigotted jealousy,
with which the present age is so much infested.
Epicurus lived at Athens to an advanced age,
in peace and tranquillity: Epicureans27 were
even admitted to receive the sacerdotal character,
and to officiate at the altar, in the most
sacred rites of the established religion:
And the public encouragement28 of pensions
and salaries was afforded equally, by the
wisest of all the Roman emperors29, to the
professors of every sect of philosophy. How
requisite such kind of treatment was to philosophy,
in her early youth, will easily be conceived,
if we reflect, that, even at present, when
she may be supposed more hardy and robust,
she bears with much difficulty the inclemency
of the seasons, and those harsh winds of
calumny and persecution, which blow upon
her.
You admire, says my friend, as the singular
good fortune of philosophy, what seems to
result from the natural course of things,
and to be unavoidable in every age and nation.
This pertinacious bigotry, of which you complain,
as so fatal to philosophy, is really her
offspring, who, after allying with superstition,
separates himself entirely from the interest
of his parent, and becomes her most inveterate
enemy and persecutor. Speculative dogmas
of religion, the present occasions of such
furious dispute, could not possibly be conceived
or admitted in the early ages of the world;
when mankind, being wholly illiterate, formed
an idea of religion more suitable to their
weak apprehension, and composed their sacred
tenets of such tales chiefly as were the
objects of traditional belief, more than
of argument or disputation. After the first
alarm, therefore, was over, which arose from
the new paradoxes and principles of the philosophers;
these teachers seem ever after, during the
ages of antiquity, to have lived in great
harmony with the established superstition,
and to have made a fair partition of mankind
between them; the former claiming all the
learned and wise, the latter possessing all
the vulgar and illiterate.
103. It seems then, say I, that you leave
politics entirely out of the question, and
never suppose, that a wise magistrate can
justly be jealous of certain tenets of philosophy,
such as those of Epicurus, which, denying
a divine existence, and consequently a providence
and a future state, seem to loosen, in a
great measure, the ties of morality, and
may be supposed, for that reason, pernicious
to the peace of civil society.
I know, replied he, that in fact these persecutions
never, in any age, proceeded from calm reason,
or from experience of the pernicious consequences
of philosophy; but arose entirely from passion
and prejudice. But what if I should advance
farther, and assert, that if Epicurus had
been accused before the people, by any of
the sycophants or informers of those days,
he could easily have defended his cause,
and proved his principles of philosophy to
be as salutary as those of his adversaries,
who endeavoured, with such zeal, to expose
him to the public hatred and jealousy?
I wish, said I, you would try your eloquence
upon so extraordinary a topic, and make a
speech for Epicurus, which might satisfy,
not the mob of Athens, if you will allow
that ancient and polite city to have contained
any mob, but the more philosophical part
of his audience, such as might be supposed
capable of comprehending his arguments.
The matter would not be difficult, upon such
conditions, replied he: And if you please,
I shall suppose myself Epicurus for a moment,
and make you stand for the Athenian people,
and shall deliver you such an harangue as
will fill all the urn with white beans, and
leave not a black one to gratify the malice
of my adversaries.
Very well: Pray proceed upon these suppositions.
104. I come hither, O ye Athenians, to justify
in your assembly what I maintained in my
school, and I find myself impeached by furious
antagonists, instead of reasoning with calm
and dispassionate enquirers. Your deliberations,
which of right should be directed to questions
of public good, and the interest of the commonwealth,
are diverted to the disquisitions of speculative
philosophy; and these magnificent, but perhaps
fruitless enquiries, take place of your more
familiar but more useful occupations. But
so far as in me lies, I will prevent this
abuse. We shall not here dispute concerning
the origin and government of worlds. We shall
only enquire how far such questions concern
the public interest. And if I can persuade
you, that they are entirely indifferent to
the peace of society and security of government,
I hope that you will presently send us back
to our schools, there to examine, at leisure,
the question the most sublime, but at the
same time, the most speculative of all philosophy.
The religious philosophers, not satisfied
with the tradition of your forefathers, and
doctrine of your priests (in which I willingly
acquiesce), indulge a rash curiosity, in
trying how far they can establish religion
upon the principles of reason; and they thereby
excite, instead of satisfying, the doubts,
which naturally arise from a diligent and
scrutinous enquiry. They paint, in the most
magnificent colours, the order, beauty, and
wise arrangement of the universe; and then
ask, if such a glorious display of intelligence
could proceed from the fortuitous concourse
of atoms, or if chance could produce what
the greatest genius can never sufficiently
admire. I shall not examine the justness
of this argument. I shall allow it to be
as solid as my antagonists and accusers can
desire. It is sufficient, if I can prove,
from this very reasoning, that the question
is entirely speculative, and that, when,
in my philosophical disquisitions, I deny
a providence and a future state, I undermine
not the foundations of society, but advance
principles, which they themselves, upon their
own topics, if they argue consistently, must
allow to be solid and satisfactory.
105. You then, who are my accusers, have
acknowledged, that the chief or sole argument
for a divine existence (which I never questioned)
is derived from the order of nature; where
there appear such marks of intelligence and
design, that you think it extravagant to
assign for its cause, either chance, or the
blind and unguided force of matter. You allow,
that this is an argument drawn from effects
to causes. From the order of the work, you
infer, that there must have been project
and forethought in the workman. If you cannot
make out this point, you allow, that your
conclusion fails; and you pretend not to
establish the conclusion in a greater latitude
than the phenomena of nature will justify.
These are your concessions. I desire you
to mark the consequences.
When we infer any particular cause from an
effect, we must proportion the one to the
other, and can never be allowed to ascribe
to the cause any qualities, but what are
exactly sufficient to produce the effect.
A body of ten ounces raised in any scale
may serve as a proof, that the counterbalancing
weight exceeds ten ounces; but can never
afford a reason that it exceeds a hundred.
If the cause, assigned for any effect, be
not sufficient to produce it, we must either
reject that cause, or add to it such qualities
as will give it a just proportion to the
effect. But if we ascribe to it farther qualities,
or affirm it capable of producing other effects,
we can only indulge the licence of conjecture,
and arbitrarily suppose the existence of
qualities and energies, without reason or
authority.
The same rule holds, whether the cause assigned
be brute unconscious matter, or a rational
intelligent being. If the cause be known
only by the effect, we never ought to ascribe
to it any qualities, beyond what are precisely
requisite to produce the effect: Nor can
we, by any rules of just reasoning, return
back from the cause, and infer other effects
from it, beyond those by which alone it is
known to us. No one, merely from the sight
of one of Zeuxis's pictures, could know,
that he was also a statuary or architect,
and was an artist no less skilful in stone
and marble than in colours. The talents and
taste, displayed in the particular work before
us; these we may safely conclude the workman
to be possessed of. The cause must be proportioned
to the effect; and if we exactly and precisely
proportion it, we shall never find in it
any qualities, that point farther, or afford
an inference concerning any other design
or performance. Such qualities must be somewhat
beyond what is merely requisite for producing
the effect, which we examine.
106. Allowing, therefore, the gods to be
the authors of the existence or order of
the universe; it follows, that they possess
that precise degree of power, intelligence,
and benevolence, which appears in their workmanship;
but nothing farther can ever be proved, except
we call in the assistance of exaggeration
and flattery to supply the defects of argument
and reasoning. So far as the traces of any
attributes, at present, appear, so far may
we conclude these attributes to exist. The
supposition of farther attributes is mere
hypothesis; much more the supposition, that,
in distant regions of space or periods of
time, there has been, or will be, a more
magnificent display of these attributes,
and a scheme of administration more suitable
to such imaginary virtues. We can never be
allowed to mount up from the universe, the
effect, to Jupiter, the cause; and then descend
downwards, to infer any new effect from that
cause; as if the present effects alone were
not entirely worthy of the glorious attributes,
which we ascribe to that deity. The knowledge
of the cause being derived solely from the
effect, they must be exactly adjusted to
each other; and the one can never refer to
anything farther, or be the foundation of
any new inference and conclusion.
You find certain phenomena in nature. You
seek a cause or author. You imagine that
you have found him. You afterwards become
so enamoured of this offspring of your brain,
that you imagine it impossible, but he must
produce something greater and more perfect
than the present scene of things, which is
so full of ill and disorder. You forget,
that this superlative intelligence and benevolence
are entirely imaginary, or, at least, without
any foundation in reason; and that you have
no ground to ascribe to him any qualities,
but what you see he has actually exerted
and displayed in his productions. Let your
gods, therefore, O philosophers, be suited
to the present appearances of nature: and
presume not to alter these appearances by
arbitrary suppositions, in order to suit
them to the attributes, which you so fondly
ascribe to your deities.
107. When priests and poets, supported by
your authority, O Athenians, talk of a golden
or silver age, which preceded the present
state of vice and misery, I hear them with
attention and with reverence. But when philosophers,
who pretend to neglect authority, and to
cultivate reason, hold the same discourse,
I pay them not, I own, the same obsequious
submission and pious deference. I ask; who
carried them into the celestial regions,
who admitted them into the councils of the
gods, who opened to them the book of fate,
that they thus rashly affirm, that their
deities have executed, or will execute, any
purpose beyond what has actually appeared?
If they tell me, that they have mounted on
the steps or by the gradual ascent of reason,
and by drawing inferences from effects to
causes, I still insist, that they have aided
the ascent of reason by the wings of imagination;
otherwise they could not thus change their
manner of inference, and argue from causes
to effects; presuming, that a more perfect
production than the present world would be
more suitable to such perfect beings as the
gods, and forgetting that they have no reason
to ascribe to these celestial beings any
perfection or any attribute, but what can
be found in the present world.
Hence all the fruitless industry to account
for the ill appearances of nature, and save
the honour of the gods; while we must acknowledge
the reality of that evil and disorder, with
which the world so much abounds. The obstinate
and intractable qualities of matter, we are
told, or the observance of general laws,
or some such reason, is the sole cause, which
controlled the power and benevolence of Jupiter,
and obliged him to create mankind and every
sensible creature so imperfect and so unhappy.
These attributes then, are, it seems, beforehand,
taken for granted, in their greatest latitude.
And upon that supposition, I own that such
conjectures may, perhaps, be admitted as
plausible solutions of the ill phenomena.
But still I ask; Why take these attributes
for granted, or why ascribe to the cause
any qualities but what actually appear in
the effect? Why torture your brain to justify
the course of nature upon suppositions, which,
for aught you know, may be entirely imaginary,
and of which there are to be found no traces
in the course of nature?
The religious hypothesis, therefore, must
be considered only as a particular method
of accounting for the visible phenomena of
the universe: but no just reasoner will ever
presume to infer from it any single fact,
and alter or add to the phenomena, in any
single particular. If you think, that the
appearances of things prove such causes,
it is allowable for you to draw an inference
concerning the existence of these causes.
In such complicated and sublime subjects,
every one should be indulged in the liberty
of conjecture and argument. But here you
ought to rest. If you come backward, and
arguing from your inferred causes, conclude,
that any other fact has existed, or will
exist, in the course of nature, which may
serve as a fuller display of particular attributes;
I must admonish you, that you have departed
from the method of reasoning, attached to
the present subject, and have certainly added
something to the attributes of the cause,
beyond what appears in the effect; otherwise
you could never, with tolerable sense or
propriety, add anything to the effect, in
order to render it more worthy of the cause.
108. Where, then, is the odiousness of that
doctrine, which I teach in my school, or
rather, which I examine in my gardens? Or
what do you find in this whole question,
wherein the security of good morals, or the
peace and order of society, is in the least
concerned?
I deny a providence, you say, and supreme
governor of the world, who guides the course
of events, and punishes the vicious with
infamy and disappointment, and rewards the
virtuous with honour and success, in all
their undertakings. But surely, I deny not
the course itself of events, which lies open
to every one's inquiry and examination. I
acknowledge, that, in the present order of
things, virtue is attended with more peace
of mind than vice, and meets with a more
favourable reception from the world. I am
sensible, that, according to the past experience
of mankind, friendship is the chief joy of
human life, and moderation the only source
of tranquillity and happiness. I never balance
between the virtuous and the vicious course
of life; but am sensible, that, to a well-disposed
mind, every advantage is on the side of the
former. And what can you say more, allowing
all your suppositions and reasonings? You
tell me, indeed, that this disposition of
things proceeds from intelligence and design.
But whatever it proceeds from, the disposition
itself, on which depends our happiness or
misery, and consequently our conduct and
deportment in life is still the same. It
is still open for me, as well as you, to
regulate my behaviour, by my experience of
past events. And if you affirm, that, while
a divine providence is allowed, and a supreme
distributive justice in the universe, I ought
to expect some more particular reward of
the good, and punishment of the bad, beyond
the ordinary course of events; I here find
the same fallacy, which I have before endeavoured
to detect. You persist in imagining, that,
if we grant that divine existence, for which
you so earnestly contend, you may safely
infer consequences from it, and add something
to the experienced order of nature, by arguing
from the attributes which you ascribe to
your gods. You seem not to remember, that
all your reasonings on this subject can only
be drawn from effects to causes; and that
every argument, deducted from causes to effects,
must of necessity be a gross sophism; since
it is impossible for you to know anything
of the cause, but what you have antecedently,
not inferred, but discovered to the full,
in the effect.
109. But what must a philosopher think of
those vain reasoners, who, instead of regarding
the present scene of things as the sole object
of their contemplation, so far reverse the
whole course of nature, as to render this
life merely a passage to something farther;
a porch, which leads to a greater, and vastly
different building; a prologue, which serves
only to introduce the piece, and give it
more grace and propriety? Whence, do you
think, can such philosophers derive their
idea of the gods? From their own conceit
and imagination surely. For if they derived
it from the present phenomena, it would never
point to anything farther, but must be exactly
adjusted to them. That the divinity may possibly
be endowed with attributes, which we have
never seen exerted; may be governed by principles
of action, which we cannot discover to be
satisfied: all this will freely be allowed.
But still this is mere possibility and hypothesis.
We never can have reason to infer any attributes,
or any principles of action in him, but so
far as we know them to have been exerted
and satisfied.
Are there any marks of a distributive justice
in the world? If you answer in the affirmative,
I conclude, that, since justice here exerts
itself, it is satisfied. If you reply in
the negative, I conclude, that you have then
no reason to ascribe justice, in our sense
of it, to the gods. If you hold a medium
between affirmation and negation, by saying,
that the justice of the gods, at present,
exerts itself in part, but not in its full
extent; I answer, that you have no reason
to give it any particular extent, but only
so far as you see it, at present, exert itself.
110. Thus I bring the dispute, O Athenians,
to a short issue with my antagonists. The
course of nature lies open to my contemplation
as well as to theirs. The experienced train
of events is the great standard, by which
we all regulate our conduct. Nothing else
can be appealed to in the field, or in the
senate. Nothing else ought ever to be heard
of in the school, or in the closet. In vain
would our limited understanding break through
those boundaries, which are too narrow for
our fond imagination. While we argue from
the course of nature, and infer a particular
intelligent cause, which first bestowed,
and still preserves order in the universe,
we embrace a principle, which is both uncertain
and useless. It is uncertain; because the
subject lies entirely beyond the reach of
human experience. It is useless; because
our knowledge of this cause being derived
entirely from the course of nature, we can
never, according to the rules of just reasoning,
return back from the cause with any new inference,
or making additions to the common and experienced
course of nature, establish any new principles
of conduct and behaviour.
111. I observe (said I, finding he had finished
his harangue) that you neglect not the artifice
of the demagogues of old; and as you were
pleased to make me stand for the people,
you insinuate yourself into my favour by
embracing those principles, to which, you
know, I have always expressed a particular
attachment. But allowing you to make experience
(as indeed I think you ought) the only standard
of our judgement concerning this, and all
other questions of fact; I doubt not but,
from the very same experience, to which you
appeal, it may be possible to refute this
reasoning, which you have put into the mouth
of Epicurus. If you saw, for instance, a
half-finished building, surrounded with heaps
of brick and stone and mortar, and all the
instruments of masonry; could you not infer
from the effect, that it was a work of design
and contrivance? And could you not return
again, from this inferred cause, to infer
new additions to the effect, and conclude,
that the building would soon be finished,
and receive all the further improvements,
which art could bestow upon it? If you saw
upon the sea-shore the print of one human
foot, you would conclude, that a man had
passed that way, and that he had also left
the traces of the other foot, though effaced
by the rolling of the sands or inundation
of the waters. Why then do you refuse to
admit the same method of reasoning with regard
to the order of nature? Consider the world
and the present life only as an imperfect
building, from which you can infer a superior
intelligence; and arguing from that superior
intelligence, which can leave nothing imperfect;
why may you not infer a more finished scheme
or plan, which will receive its completion
in some distant point of space or time? Are
not these methods of reasoning exactly similar?
And under what pretence can you embrace the
one, while you reject the other?
112. The infinite difference of the subjects,
replied he, is a sufficient foundation for
this difference in my conclusions. In works
of human art and contrivance, it is allowable
to advance from the effect to the cause,
and returning back from the cause, to form
new inferences concerning the effect, and
examine the alterations, which it has probably
undergone, or may still undergo. But what
is the foundation of this method of reasoning?
Plainly this; that man is a being, whom we
know by experience, whose motives and designs
we are acquainted with, and whose projects
and inclinations have a certain connexion
and coherence, according to the laws which
nature has established for the government
of such a creature. When, therefore, we find,
that any work has proceeded from the skill
and industry of man; as we are otherwise
acquainted with the nature of the animal,
we can draw a hundred inferences concerning
what may be expected from him; and these
inferences will all be founded in experience
and observation. But did we know man only
from the single work or production which
we examine, it were impossible for us to
argue in this manner; because our knowledge
of all the qualities, which we ascribe to
him, being in that case derived from the
production, it is impossible they could point
to anything farther, or be the foundation
of any new inference. The print of a foot
in the sand can only prove, when considered
alone, that there was some figure adapted
to it, by which it was produced: but the
print of a human foot proves likewise, from
our other experience, that there was probably
another foot, which also left its impression,
though effaced by time or other accidents.
Here we mount from the effect to the cause;
and descending again from the cause, infer
alterations in the effect; but this is not
a continuation of the same simple chain of
reasoning. We comprehend in this case a hundred
other experiences and observations, concerning
the usual figure and members of that species
of animal, without which this method of argument
must be considered as fallacious and sophistical.
113. The case is not the same with our reasonings
from the works of nature. The Deity is known
to us only by his productions, and is a single
being in the universe, not comprehended under
any species or genus, from whose experienced
attributes or qualities, we can, by analogy,
infer any attribute or quality in him. As
the universe shews wisdom and goodness, we
infer wisdom and goodness. As it shews a
particular degree of these perfections, we
infer a particular degree of them, precisely
adapted to the effect which we examine. But
farther attributes or farther degrees of
the same attributes, we can never be authorised
to infer or suppose, by any rules of just
reasoning. Now, without some such licence
of supposition, it is impossible for us to
argue from the cause, or infer any alteration
in the effect, beyond what has immediately
fallen under our observation. Greater good
produced by this Being must still prove a
greater degree of goodness: a more impartial
distribution of rewards and punishments must
proceed from a greater regard to justice
and equity. Every supposed addition to the
works of nature makes an addition to the
attributes of the Author of nature; and consequently,
being entirely unsupported by any reason
or argument, can never be admitted but as
mere conjecture and hypothesis30.
The great source of our mistake in this subject,
and of the unbounded licence of conjecture,
which we indulge, is, that we tacitly consider
ourselves, as in the place of the Supreme
Being, and conclude, that he will, on every
occasion, observe the same conduct, which
we ourselves, in his situation, would have
embraced as reasonable and eligible. But,
besides that the ordinary course of nature
may convince us, that almost everything is
regulated by principles and maxims very different
from ours; besides this, I say, it must evidently
appear contrary to all rules of analogy to
reason, from the intentions and projects
of men, to those of a Being so different,
and so much superior. In human nature, there
is a certain experienced coherence of designs
and inclinations; so that when, from any
fact, we have discovered one intention of
any man, it may often be reasonable, from
experience, to infer another, and draw a
long chain of conclusions concerning his
past or future conduct. But this method of
reasoning can never have place with regard
to a Being, so remote and incomprehensible,
who bears much less analogy to any other
being in the universe than the sun to a waxen
taper, and who discovers himself only by
some faint traces or outlines, beyond which
we have no authority to ascribe to him any
attribute or perfection. What we imagine
to be a superior perfection, may really be
a defect. Or were it ever so much a perfection,
the ascribing of it to the Supreme Being,
where it appears not to have been really
exerted, to the full, in his works, savours
more of flattery and panegyric, than of just
reasoning and sound philosophy. All the philosophy,
therefore, in the world, and all the religion,
which is nothing but a species of philosophy,
will never be able to carry us beyond the
usual course of experience, or give us measures
of conduct and behaviour different from those
which are furnished by reflections on common
life. No new fact can ever be inferred from
the religious hypothesis; no event foreseen
or foretold; no reward or punishment expected
or dreaded, beyond what is already known
by practice and observation. So that my apology
for Epicurus will still appear solid and
satisfactory; nor have the political interests
of society any connexion with the philosophical
disputes concerning metaphysics and religion.
114. There is still one circumstance, replied
I, which you seem to have overlooked. Though
I should allow your premises, I must deny
your conclusion. You conclude, that religious
doctrines and reasonings can have no influence
on life, because they ought to have no influence;
never considering, that men reason not in
the same manner you do, but draw many consequences
from the belief of a divine Existence, and
suppose that the Deity will inflict punishments
on vice, and bestow rewards on virtue, beyond
what appear in the ordinary course of nature.
Whether this reasoning of theirs be just
or not, is no matter. Its influence on their
life and conduct must still be the same.
And, those, who attempt to disabuse them
of such prejudices, may, for aught I know,
be good reasoners, but I cannot allow them
to be good citizens and politicians; since
they free men from one restraint upon their
passions, and make the infringement of the
laws of society, in one respect, more easy
and secure.
After all, I may, perhaps, agree to your
general conclusion in favour of liberty,
though upon different premises from those,
on which you endeavour to found it. I think,
that the state ought to tolerate every principle
of philosophy; nor is there an instance,
that any government has suffered in its political
interests by such indulgence. There is no
enthusiasm among philosophers; their doctrines
are not very alluring to the people; and
no restraint can be put upon their reasonings,
but what must be of dangerous consequence
to the sciences, and even to the state, by
paving the way for persecution and oppression
in points, where the generality of mankind
are more deeply interested and concerned.
115. But there occurs to me (continued I)
with regard to your main topic, a difficulty,
which I shall just propose to you without
insisting on it; lest it lead into reasonings
of too nice and delicate a nature. In a word,
I much doubt whether it be possible for a
cause to be known only by its effect (as
you have all along supposed) or to be of
so singular and particular a nature as to
have no parallel and no similarity with any
other cause or object, that has ever fallen
under our observation. It is only when two
species of objects are found to be constantly
conjoined, that we can infer the one from
the other; and were an effect presented,
which was entirely singular, and could not
be comprehended under any known species,
I do not see, that we could form any conjecture
or inference at all concerning its cause.
If experience and observation and analogy
be, indeed, the only guides which we can
reasonably follow in inferences of this nature;
both the effect and cause must bear a similarity
and resemblance to other effects and causes,
which we know, and which we have found, in
many instances, to be conjoined with each
other. I leave it to your own reflection
to pursue the consequences of this principle.
I shall just observe, that, as the antagonists
of Epicurus always suppose the universe,
an effect quite singular and unparalleled,
to be the proof of a Deity, a cause no less
singular and unparalleled; your reasonings,
upon that supposition, seem, at least, to
merit our attention. There is, I own, some
difficulty, how we can ever return from the
cause to the effect, and, reasoning from
our ideas of the former, infer any alteration
on the latter, or any addition to it.
SECTION XII.
OF THE ACADEMICAL OR SCEPTICAL PHILOSOPHY.
PART I.
116. There is not a greater number of philosophical
reasonings, displayed upon any subject, than
those, which prove the existence of a Deity,
and refute the fallacies of Atheists; and
yet the most religious philosophers still
dispute whether any man can be so blinded
as to be a speculative atheist. How shall
we reconcile these contradictions? The knights-errant,
who wandered about to clear the world of
dragons and giants, never entertained the
least doubt with regard to the existence
of these monsters.
The Sceptic is another enemy of religion,
who naturally provokes the indignation of
all divines and graver philosophers; though
it is certain, that no man ever met with
any such absurd creature, or conversed with
a man, who had no opinion or principle concerning
any subject, either of action or speculation.
This begets a very natural question; What
is meant by a sceptic? And how far it is
possible to push these philosophical principles
of doubt and uncertainty?
There is a species of scepticism, antecedent
to all study and philosophy, which is much
inculcated by Des Cartes and others, as a
sovereign preservative against error and
precipitate judgement. It recommends an universal
doubt, not only of all our former opinions
and principles, but also of our very faculties;
of whose veracity, say they, we must assure
ourselves, by a chain of reasoning, deduced
from some original principle, which cannot
possibly be fallacious or deceitful. But
neither is there any such original principle,
which has a prerogative above others, that
are self-evident and convincing: or if there
were, could we advance a step beyond it,
but by the use of those very faculties, of
which we are supposed to be already diffident.
The Cartesian doubt, therefore, were it ever
possible to be attained by any human creature
(as it plainly is not) would be entirely
incurable; and no reasoning could ever bring
us to a state of assurance and conviction
upon any subject.
It must, however, be confessed, that this
species of scepticism, when more moderate,
may be understood in a very reasonable sense,
and is a necessary preparative to the study
of philosophy, by preserving a proper impartiality
in our judgements, and weaning our mind from
all those prejudices, which we may have imbibed
from education or rash opinion. To begin
with clear and self-evident principles, to
advance by timorous and sure steps, to review
frequently our conclusions, and examine accurately
all their consequences; though by these means
we shall make both a slow and a short progress
in our systems; are the only methods, by
which we can ever hope to reach truth, and
attain a proper stability and certainty in
our determinations.
117. There is another species of scepticism,
consequent to science and enquiry, when men
are supposed to have discovered, either the
absolute fallaciousness of their mental faculties,
or their unfitness to reach any fixed determination
in all those curious subjects of speculation,
about which they are commonly employed. Even
our very senses are brought into dispute,
by a certain species of philosophers; and
the maxims of common life are subjected to
the same doubt as the most profound principles
or conclusions of metaphysics and theology.
As these paradoxical tenets (if they may
be called tenets) are to be met with in some
philosophers, and the refutation of them
in several, they naturally excite our curiosity,
and make us enquire into the arguments, on
which they may be founded.
I need not insist upon the more trite topics,
employed by the sceptics in all ages, against
the evidence of sense; such as those which
are derived from the imperfection and fallaciousness
of our organs, on numberless occasions; the
crooked appearance of an oar in water; the
various aspects of objects, according to
their different distances; the double images
which arise from the pressing one eye; with
many other appearances of a like nature.
These sceptical topics, indeed, are only
sufficient to prove, that the senses alone
are not implicitly to be depended on; but
that we must correct their evidence by reason,
and by considerations, derived from the nature
of the medium, the distance of the object,
and the disposition of the organ, in order
to render them, within their sphere, the
proper criteria of truth and falsehood. There
are other more profound arguments against
the senses, which admit not of so easy a
solution.
118. It seems evident, that men are carried,
by a natural instinct or prepossession, to
repose faith in their senses; and that, without
any reasoning, or even almost before the
use of reason, we always suppose an external
universe, which depends not on our perception,
but would exist, though we and every sensible
creature were absent or annihilated. Even
the animal creation are governed by a like
opinion, and preserve this belief of external
objects, in all their thoughts, designs,
and actions.
It seems also evident, that, when men follow
this blind and powerful instinct of nature,
they always suppose the very images, presented
by the senses, to be the external objects,
and never entertain any suspicion, that the
one are nothing but representations of the
other. This very table, which we see white,
and which we feel hard, is believed to exist,
independent of our perception, and to be
something external to our mind, which perceives
it. Our presence bestows not being on it:
our absence does not annihilate it. It preserves
its existence uniform and entire, independent
of the situation of intelligent beings, who
perceive or contemplate it.
But this universal and primary opinion of
all men is soon destroyed by the slightest
philosophy, which teaches us, that nothing
can ever be present to the mind but an image
or perception, and that the senses are only
the inlets, through which these images are
conveyed, without being able to produce any
immediate intercourse between the mind and
the object. The table, which we see, seems
to diminish, as we remove farther from it:
but the real table, which exists independent
of us, suffers no alteration: it was, therefore,
nothing but its image, which was present
to the mind. These are the obvious dictates
of reason; and no man, who reflects, ever
doubted, that the existences, which we consider,
when we say, this house and that tree, are
nothing but perceptions in the mind, and
fleeting copies or representations of other
existences, which remain uniform and independent.
119. So far, then, are we necessitated by
reasoning to contradict or depart from the
primary instincts of nature, and to embrace
a new system with regard to the evidence
of our senses. But here philosophy finds
herself extremely embarrassed, when she would
justify this new system, and obviate the
cavils and objections of the sceptics. She
can no longer plead the infallible and irresistible
instinct of nature: for that led us to a
quite different system, which is acknowledged
fallible and even erroneous. And to justify
this pretended philosophical system, by a
chain of clear and convincing argument, or
even any appearance of argument, exceeds
the power of all human capacity.
By what argument can it be proved, that the
perceptions of the mind must be caused by
external objects, entirely different from
them, though resembling them
(if that be possible) and could not arise
either from the energy of the mind itself,
or from the suggestion of some invisible
and unknown spirit, or from some other cause
still more unknown to us? It is acknowledged,
that, in fact, many of these perceptions
arise not from anything external, as in dreams,
madness, and other diseases. And nothing
can be more inexplicable than the manner,
in which body should so operate upon mind
as ever to convey an image of itself to a
substance, supposed of so different, and
even contrary a nature.
It is a question of fact, whether the perceptions
of the senses be produced by external objects,
resembling them: how shall this question
be determined? By experience surely; as all
other questions of a like nature. But here
experience is, and must be entirely silent.
The mind has never anything present to it
but the perceptions, and cannot possibly
reach any experience of their connexion with
objects. The supposition of such a connexion
is, therefore, without any foundation in
reasoning.
120. To have recourse to the veracity of
the supreme Being, in order to prove the
veracity of our senses, is surely making
a very unexpected circuit. If his veracity
were at all concerned in this matter, our
senses would be entirely infallible; because
it is not possible that he can ever deceive.
Not to mention, that, if the external world
be once called in question, we shall be at
a loss to find arguments, by which we may
prove the existence of that Being or any
of his attributes.
121. This is a topic, therefore, in which
the profounder and more philosophical sceptics
will always triumph, when they endeavour
to introduce an universal doubt into all
subjects of human knowledge and enquiry.
Do you follow the instincts and propensities
of nature, may they say, in assenting to
the veracity of sense? But these lead you
to believe that the very perception or sensible
image is the external object. Do you disclaim
this principle, in order to embrace a more
rational opinion, that the perceptions are
only representations of something external?
You here depart from your natural propensities
and more obvious sentiments; and yet are
not able to satisfy your reason, which can
never find any convincing argument from experience
to prove, that the perceptions are connected
with any external objects.
122. There is another sceptical topic of
a like nature, derived from the most profound
philosophy; which might merit our attention,
were it requisite to dive so deep, in order
to discover arguments and reasonings, which
can so little serve to any serious purpose.
It is universally allowed by modern enquirers,
that all the sensible qualities of objects,
such as hard, soft, hot, cold, white, black,
&c. are merely secondary, and exist not
in the objects themselves, but are perceptions
of the mind, without any external archetype
or model, which they represent. If this be
allowed, with regard to secondary qualities,
it must also follow, with regard to the supposed
primary qualities of extension and solidity;
nor can the latter be any more entitled to
that denomination than the former. The idea
of extension is entirely acquired from the
senses of sight and feeling; and if all the
qualities, perceived by the senses, be in
the mind, not in the object, the same conclusion
must reach the idea of extension, which is
wholly dependent on the sensible ideas or
the ideas of secondary qualities. Nothing
can save us from this conclusion, but the
asserting, that the ideas of those primary
qualities are attained by Abstraction, an
opinion, which, if we examine it accurately,
we shall find to be unintelligible, and even
absurd. An extension, that is neither tangible
nor visible, cannot possibly be conceived:
and a tangible or visible extension, which
is neither hard nor soft, black nor white,
is equally beyond the reach of human conception.
Let any man try to conceive a triangle in
general, which is neither Isosceles nor Scalenum,
nor has any particular length or proportion
of sides; and he will soon perceive the absurdity
of all the scholastic notions with regard
to abstraction and general ideas. 31
123. Thus the first philosophical objection
to the evidence of sense or to the opinion
of external existence consists in this, that
such an opinion, if rested on natural instinct,
is contrary to reason, and if referred to
reason, is contrary to natural instinct,
and at the same time carries no rational
evidence with it, to convince an impartial
enquirer. The second objection goes farther,
and represents this opinion as contrary to
reason: at least, if it be a principle of
reason, that all sensible qualities are in
the mind, not in the object. Bereave matter
of all its intelligible qualities, both primary
and secondary, you in a manner annihilate
it, and leave only a certain unknown, inexplicable
something, as the cause of our perceptions;
a notion so imperfect, that no sceptic will
think it worth while to contend against it.
PART II.
124. It may seem a very extravagant attempt
of the sceptics to destroy reason by argument
and ratiocination; yet is this the grand
scope of all their enquiries and disputes.
They endeavour to find objections, both to
our abstract reasonings, and to those which
regard matter of fact and existence.
The chief objection against all abstract
reasonings is derived from the ideas of space
and time; ideas, which, in common life and
to a careless view, are very clear and intelligible,
but when they pass through the scrutiny of
the profound sciences (and they are the chief
object of these sciences) afford principles,
which seem full of absurdity and contradiction.
No priestly dogmas, invented on purpose to
tame and subdue the rebellious reason of
mankind, ever shocked common sense more than
the doctrine of the infinitive divisibility
of extension, with its consequences; as they
are pompously displayed by all geometricians
and metaphysicians, with a kind of triumph
and exultation. A real quantity, infinitely
less than any finite quantity, containing
quantities infinitely less than itself, and
so on in infinitum; this is an edifice so
bold and prodigious, that it is too weighty
for any pretended demonstration to support,
because it shocks the clearest and most natural
principles of human reason. 32 But what renders
the matter more extraordinary, is, that these
seemingly absurd opinions are supported by
a chain of reasoning, the clearest and most
natural; nor is it possible for us to allow
the premises without admitting the consequences.
Nothing can be more convincing and satisfactory
than all the conclusions concerning the properties
of circles and triangles; and yet, when these
are once received, how can we deny, that
the angle of contact between a circle and
its tangent is infinitely less than any rectilineal
angle, that as you may increase the diameter
of the circle in infinitum, this angle of
contact becomes still less, even in infinitum,
and that the angle of contact between other
curves and their tangents may be infinitely
less than those between any circle and its
tangent, and so on, in infinitum? The demonstration
of these principles seems as unexceptionable
as that which proves the three angles of
a triangle to be equal to two right ones,
though the latter opinion be natural and
easy, and the former big with contradiction
and absurdity. Reason here seems to be thrown
into a kind of amazement and suspence, which,
without the suggestions of any sceptic, gives
her a diffidence of herself, and of the ground
on which she treads. She sees a full light,
which illuminates certain places; but that
light borders upon the most profound darkness.
And between these she is so dazzled and confounded,
that she scarcely can pronounce with certainty
and assurance concerning any one object.
125. The absurdity of these bold determinations
of the abstract sciences seems to become,
if possible, still more palpable with regard
to time than extension. An infinite number
of real parts of time, passing in succession,
and exhausted one after another, appears
so evident a contradiction, that no man,
one should think, whose judgement is not
corrupted, instead of being improved, by
the sciences, would ever be able to admit
of it.
Yet still reason must remain restless, and
unquiet, even with regard to that scepticism,
to which she is driven by these seeming absurdities
and contradictions. How any clear, distinct
idea can contain circumstances, contradictory
to itself, or to any other clear, distinct
idea, is absolutely incomprehensible; and
is, perhaps, as absurd as any proposition,
which can be formed. So that nothing can
be more sceptical, or more full of doubt
and hesitation, than this scepticism itself,
which arises from some of the paradoxical
conclusions of geometry or the science of
quantity. 33
126. The sceptical objections to moral evidence,
or to the reasonings concerning matter of
fact, are either popular or philosophical.
The popular objections are derived from the
natural weakness of human understanding;
the contradictory opinions, which have been
entertained in different ages and nations;
the variations of our judgement in sickness
and health, youth and old age, prosperity
and adversity; the perpetual contradiction
of each particular man's opinions and sentiments;
with many other topics of that kind. It is
needless to insist farther on this head.
These objections are but weak. For as, in
common life, we reason every moment concerning
fact and existence, and cannot possibly subsist,
without continually employing this species
of argument, any popular objections, derived
from thence, must be insufficient to destroy
that evidence. The great subverter of Pyrrhonism
or the excessive principles of scepticism
is action, and employment, and the occupations
of common life. These principles may flourish
and triumph in the schools; where it is,
indeed, difficult, if not impossible, to
refute them. But as soon as they leave the
shade, and by the presence of the real objects,
which actuate our passions and sentiments,
are put in opposition to the more powerful
principles of our nature, they vanish like
smoke, and leave the most determined sceptic
in the same condition as other mortals.
127. The sceptic, therefore, had better keep
within his proper sphere, and display those
philosophical objections, which arise from
more profound researches. Here he seems to
have ample matter of triumph; while he justly
insists, that all our evidence for any matter
of fact, which lies beyond the testimony
of sense or memory, is derived entirely from
the relation of cause and effect; that we
have no other idea of this relation than
that of two objects, which have been frequently
conjoined together; that we have no argument
to convince us, that objects, which have,
in our experience, been frequently conjoined,
will likewise, in other instances, be conjoined
in the same manner; and that nothing leads
us to this inference but custom or a certain
instinct of our nature; which it is indeed
difficult to resist, but which, like other
instincts, may be fallacious and deceitful.
While the sceptic insists upon these topics,
he shows his force, or rather, indeed, his
own and our weakness; and seems, for the
time at least, to destroy all assurance and
conviction. These arguments might be displayed
at greater length, if any durable good or
benefit to society could ever be expected
to result from them.
128. For here is the chief and most confounding
objection to excessive scepticism, that no
durable good can ever result from it; while
it remains in its full force and vigour.
We need only ask such a sceptic, What his
meaning is? And what he proposes by all these
curious researches? He is immediately at
a loss, and knows not what to answer. A Copernican
or Ptolemaic, who supports each his different
system of astronomy, may hope to produce
a conviction, which will remain constant
and durable, with his audience. A Stoic or
Epicurean displays principles, which may
not be durable, but which have an effect
on conduct and behaviour. But a Pyrrhonian
cannot expect, that his philosophy will have
any constant influence on the mind: or if
it had, that its influence would be beneficial
to society. On the contrary, he must acknowledge,
if he will acknowledge anything, that all
human life must perish, were his principles
universally and steadily to prevail. All
discourse, all action would immediately cease;
and men remain in a total lethargy, till
the necessities of nature, unsatisfied, put
an end to their miserable existence. It is
true; so fatal an event is very little to
be dreaded. Nature is always too strong for
principle. And though a Pyrrhonian may throw
himself or others into a momentary amazement
and confusion by his profound reasonings;
the first and most trivial event in life
will put to flight all his doubts and scruples,
and leave him the same, in every point of
action and speculation, with the philosophers
of every other sect, or with those who never
concerned themselves in any philosophical
researches. When he awakes from his dream,
he will be the first to join in the laugh
against himself, and to confess, that all
his objections are mere amusement, and can
have no other tendency than to show the whimsical
condition of mankind, who must act and reason
and believe; though they are not able, by
their most diligent enquiry, to satisfy themselves
concerning the foundation of these operations,
or to remove the objections, which may be
raised against them.
PART III.
129. There is, indeed, a more mitigated scepticism
or academical philosophy, which may be both
durable and useful, and which may, in part,
be the result of this Pyrrhonism, or excessive
scepticism, when its undistinguished doubts
are, in some measure, corrected by common
sense and reflection. The greater part of
mankind are naturally apt to be affirmative
and dogmatical in their opinions; and while
they see objects only on one side, and have
no idea of any counterpoising argument, they
throw themselves precipitately into the principles,
to which they are inclined; nor have they
any indulgence for those who entertain opposite
sentiments. To hesitate or balance perplexes
their understanding, checks their passion,
and suspends their action. They are, therefore,
impatient till they escape from a state,
which to them is so uneasy: and they think,
that they could never remove themselves far
enough from it, by the violence of their
affirmations and obstinacy of their belief.
But could such dogmatical reasoners become
sensible of the strange infirmities of human
understanding, even in its most perfect state,
and when most accurate and cautious in its
determinations; such a reflection would naturally
inspire them with more modesty and reserve,
and diminish their fond opinion of themselves,
and their prejudice against antagonists.
The illiterate may reflect on the disposition
of the learned, who, amidst all the advantages
of study and reflection, are commonly still
diffident in their determinations: and if
any of the learned be inclined, from their
natural temper, to haughtiness and obstinacy,
a small tincture of Pyrrhonism might abate
their pride, by showing them, that the few
advantages, which they may have attained
over their fellows, are but inconsiderable,
if compared with the universal perplexity
and confusion, which is inherent in human
nature. In general, there is a degree of
doubt, and caution, and modesty, which, in
all kinds of scrutiny and decision, ought
for ever to accompany a just reasoner.
130. Another species of mitigated scepticism
which may be of advantage to mankind, and
which may be the natural result of the Pyrrhonian
doubts and scruples, is the limitation of
our enquiries to such subjects as are best
adapted to the narrow capacity of human understanding.
The imagination of man is naturally sublime,
delighted with whatever is remote and extraordinary,
and running, without control, into the most
distant parts of space and time in order
to avoid the objects, which custom has rendered
too familiar to it. A correct Judgement observes
a contrary method, and avoiding all distant
and high enquiries, confines itself to common
life, and to such subjects as fall under
daily practice and experience; leaving the
more sublime topics to the embellishment
of poets and orators, or to the arts of priests
and politicians. To bring us to so salutary
a determination, nothing can be more serviceable,
than to be once thoroughly convinced of the
force of the Pyrrhonian doubt, and of the
impossibility, that anything, but the strong
power of natural instinct, could free us
from it. Those who have a propensity to philosophy,
will still continue their researches; because
they reflect, that, besides the immediate
pleasure, attending such an occupation, philosophical
decisions are nothing but the reflections
of common life, methodized and corrected.
But they will never be tempted to go beyond
common life, so long as they consider the
imperfection of those faculties which they
employ, their narrow reach, and their inaccurate
operations. While we cannot give a satisfactory
reason, why we believe, after a thousand
experiments, that a stone will fall, or fire
burn; can we ever satisfy ourselves concerning
any determination, which we may form, with
regard to the origin of worlds, and the situation
of nature, from, and to eternity?
This narrow limitation, indeed, of our enquiries,
is, in every respect, so reasonable, that
it suffices to make the slightest examination
into the natural powers of the human mind
and to compare them with their objects, in
order to recommend it to us. We shall then
find what are the proper subjects of science
and enquiry.
131. It seems to me, that the only objects
of the abstract science or of demonstration
are quantity and number, and that all attempts
to extend this more perfect species of knowledge
beyond these bounds are mere sophistry and
illusion. As the component parts of quantity
and number are entirely similar, their relations
become intricate and involved; and nothing
can be more curious, as well as useful, than
to trace, by a variety of mediums, their
equality or inequality, through their different
appearances. But as all other ideas are clearly
distinct and different from each other, we
can never advance farther, by our utmost
scrutiny, than to observe this diversity,
and, by an obvious reflection, pronounce
one thing not to be another. Or if there
be any difficulty in these decisions, it
proceeds entirely from the undeterminate
meaning of words, which is corrected by juster
definitions. That the square of the hypothenuse
is equal to the squares of the other two
sides, cannot be known, let the terms be
ever so exactly defined, without a train
of reasoning and enquiry. But to convince
us of this proposition, that where there
is no property, there can be no injustice,
it is only necessary to define the terms,
and explain injustice to be a violation of
property. This proposition is, indeed, nothing
but a more imperfect definition. It is the
same case with all those pretended syllogistical
reasonings, which may be found in every other
branch of learning, except the sciences of
quantity and number; and these may safely,
I think, be pronounced the only proper objects
of knowledge and demonstration.
132. All other enquiries of men regard only
matter of fact and existence; and these are
evidently incapable of demonstration. Whatever
is may not be. No negation of a fact can
involve a contradiction. The non-existence
of any being, without exception, is as clear
and distinct an idea as its existence. The
proposition, which affirms it not to be,
however false, is no less conceivable and
intelligible, than that which affirms it
to be. The case is different with the sciences,
properly so called. Every proposition, which
is not true, is there confused and unintelligible.
That the cube root of 64 is equal to the
half of 10, is a false proposition, and can
never be distinctly conceived. But that Caesar,
or the angel Gabriel, or any being never
existed, may be a false proposition, but
still is perfectly conceivable, and implies
no contradiction.
The existence, therefore, of any being can
only be proved by arguments from its cause
or its effect; and these arguments are founded
entirely on experience. If we reason a priori,
anything may appear able to produce anything.
The falling of a pebble may, for aught we
know, extinguish the sun; or the wish of
a man control the planets in their orbits.
It is only experience, which teaches us the
nature and bounds of cause and effect, and
enables us to infer the existence of one
object from that of another34. Such is the
foundation of moral reasoning, which forms
the greater part of human knowledge, and
is the source of all human action and behaviour.
Moral reasonings are either concerning particular
or general facts. All deliberations in life
regard the former; as also all disquisitions
in history, chronology, geography, and astronomy.
The sciences, which treat of general facts,
are politics, natural philosophy, physic,
chemistry, &c. where the qualities, causes
and effects of a whole species of objects
are enquired into.
Divinity or Theology, as it proves the existence
of a Deity, and the immortality of souls,
is composed partly of reasonings concerning
particular, partly concerning general facts.
It has a foundation in reason, so far as
it is supported by experience. But its best
and most solid foundation is faith and divine
revelation.
Morals and criticism are not so properly
objects of the understanding as of taste
and sentiment. Beauty, whether moral or natural,
is felt, more properly than perceived. Or
if we reason concerning it, and endeavour
to fix its standard, we regard a new fact,
to wit, the general tastes of mankind, or
some such fact, which may be the object of
reasoning and enquiry.
When we run over libraries, persuaded of
these principles, what havoc must we make?
If we take in our hand any volume; of divinity
or school metaphysics, for instance; let
us ask, Does it contain any abstract reasoning
concerning quantity or number? No. Does it
contain any experimental reasoning concerning
matter of fact and existence? No. Commit
it then to the flames: for it can contain
nothing but sophistry and illusion.
FOOTNOTES.
Footnote 1: (return) It is probable that
no more was meant by those, who denied innate
ideas, than that all ideas were copies of
our impressions; though it must be confessed,
that the terms, which they employed, were
not chosen with such caution, nor so exactly
defined, as to prevent all mistakes about
their doctrine. For what is meant by innate?
If innate be equivalent to natural, then
all the perceptions and ideas of the mind
must be allowed to be innate or natural,
in whatever sense we take the latter word,
whether in opposition to what is uncommon,
artificial, or miraculous. If by innate be
meant, contemporary to our birth, the dispute
seems to be frivolous; nor is it worth while
to enquire at what time thinking begins,
whether before, at, or after our birth. Again,
the word idea, seems to be commonly taken
in a very loose sense, by LOCKE and others;
as standing for any of our perceptions, our
sensations and passions, as well as thoughts.
Now in this sense, I should desire to know,
what can be meant by asserting, that self-love,
or resentment of injuries, or the passion
between the sexes is not innate?
But admitting these terms, impressions and
ideas, in the sense above explained, and
understanding by innate, what is original
or copied from no precedent perception, then
may we assert that all our impressions are
innate, and our ideas not innate.
To be ingenuous, I must own it to be my opinion,
that LOCKE was betrayed into this question
by the schoolmen, who, making use of undefined
terms, draw out their disputes to a tedious
length, without ever touching the point in
question. A like ambiguity and circumlocution
seem to run through that philosopher's reasonings
on this as well as most other subjects.
Footnote 2: (return) Resemblance.
Footnote 3: (return) Contiguity.
Footnote 4: (return) Cause and effect.
Footnote 5: (return) For instance, Contrast
or Contrariety is also a connexion among
Ideas: but it may, perhaps, be considered
as a mixture of Causation and Resemblance.
Where two objects are contrary, the one destroys
the other; that is, the cause of its annihilation,
and the idea of the annihilation of an object,
implies the idea of its former existence.
Footnote 6: (return) The word, Power, is
here used in a loose and popular sense. The
more accurate explication of it would give
additional evidence to this argument. See
Sect. 7.
Footnote 7: (return) Nothing is more useful
than for writers, even, on moral, political,
or physical subjects, to distinguish between
reason and experience, and to suppose, that
these species of argumentation are entirely
different from each other. The former are
taken for the mere result of our intellectual
faculties, which, by considering priori the
nature of things, and examining the effects,
that must follow from their operation, establish
particular principles of science and philosophy.
The latter are supposed to be derived entirely
from sense and observation, by which we learn
what has actually resulted from the operation
of particular objects, and are thence able
to infer, what will, for the future, result
from them. Thus, for instance, the limitations
and restraints of civil government, and a
legal constitution, may be defended, either
from reason, which reflecting on the great
frailty and corruption of human nature, teaches,
that no man can safely be trusted with unlimited
authority; or from experience and history,
which inform us of the enormous abuses, that
ambition, in every age and country, has been
found to make of so imprudent a confidence.
The same distinction between reason and experience
is maintained in all our deliberations concerning
the conduct of life; while the experienced
statesman, general, physician, or merchant
is trusted and followed; and the unpractised
novice, with whatever natural talents endowed,
neglected and despised. Though it be allowed,
that reason may form very plausible conjectures
with regard to the consequences of such a
particular conduct in such particular circumstances;
it is still supposed imperfect, without the
assistance of experience, which is alone
able to give stability and certainty to the
maxims, derived from study and reflection.
But notwithstanding that this distinction
be thus universally received, both in the
active speculative scenes of life, I shall
not scruple to pronounce, that it is, at
bottom, erroneous, at least, superficial.
If we examine those arguments, which, in
any of the sciences above mentioned, are
supposed to be the mere effects of reasoning
and reflection, they will be found to terminate,
at last, in some general principle or conclusion,
for which we can assign no reason but observation
and experience. The only difference between
them and those maxims, which are vulgarly
esteemed the result of pure experience, is,
that the former cannot be established without
some process of thought, and some reflection
on what we have observed, in order to distinguish
its circumstances, and trace its consequences:
Whereas in the latter, the experienced event
is exactly and fully familiar to that which
we infer as the result of any particular
situation. The history of a TIBERIUS or a
NERO makes us dread a like tyranny, were
our monarchs freed from the restraints of
laws and senates: But the observation of
any fraud or cruelty in private life is sufficient,
with the aid of a little thought, to give
us the same apprehension; while it serves
as an instance of the general corruption
of human nature, and shows us the danger
which we must incur by reposing an entire
confidence in mankind. In both cases, it
is experience which is ultimately the foundation
of our inference and conclusion.
There is no man so young and unexperienced,
as not to have formed, from observation,
many general and just maxims concerning human
affairs and the conduct of life; but it must
be confessed, that, when a man comes to put
these in practice, he will be extremely liable
to error, till time and farther experience
both enlarge these maxims, and teach him
their proper use and application. In every
situation or incident, there are many particular
and seemingly minute circumstances, which
the man of greatest talent is, at first,
apt to overlook, though on them the justness
of his conclusions, and consequently the
prudence of his conduct, entirely depend.
Not to mention, that, to a young beginner,
the general observations and maxims occur
not always on the proper occasions, nor can
be immediately applied with due calmness
and distinction. The truth is, an unexperienced
reasoner could be no reasoner at all, were
he absolutely unexperienced; and when we
assign that character to any one, we mean
it only in a comparative sense, and suppose
him possessed of experience, in a smaller
and more imperfect degree.
Footnote 8: (return) 'Naturane nobis, inquit,
datum dicam, an errore quodam, ut, cum ea
loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros
acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur,
quam siquando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus
aut scriptum aliquod legamus? Velut ego nunc
moveor. Venit enim mihi Plato in mentem,
quera accepimus primum hic disputare solitum:
cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui non memoriam
solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in
conspectu meo hic ponere. Hic Speusippus,
hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo;
cuius ipsa illa sessio fuit, quam videmus.
Equidem etiam curiam nostram, Hostiliam dico,
non hanc novam, quae mihi minor esse videtur
postquam est maior, solebam intuens, Scipionem,
Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis
avum cogitare. Tanta vis admonitionis est
in locis; ut non sine causa ex his memoriae
deducta sit disciplina.'
Cicero de Finibus. Lib. v.
Footnote 9: (return) Mr. Locke divides all
arguments into demonstrative and probable.
In this view, we must say, that it is only
probable all men must die, or that the sun
will rise to- morrow. But to conform our
language more to common use, we ought to
divide arguments into demonstrations, proofs,
and probabilities. By proofs meaning such
arguments from experience as leave no room
for doubt or opposition.
Footnote 10: (return) Section II.
Footnote 11: (return) Mr. Locke, in his chapter
of power, says that, finding from experience,
that there are several new productions in
nature, and concluding that there must somewhere
be a power capable of producing them, we
arrive at last by this reasoning at the idea
of power. But no reasoning can ever give
us a new, original, simple idea; as this
philosopher himself confesses. This, therefore,
can never be the origin of that idea.
Footnote 12: (return) It may be pretended,
that the resistance which we meet with in
bodies, obliging us frequently to exert our
force, and call up all our power, this gives
us the idea of force and power. It is this
nisus, or strong endeavour, of which we are
conscious, that is the original impression
from which this idea is copied. But, first,
we attribute power to a vast number of objects,
where we never can suppose this resistance
or exertion of force to take place; to the
Supreme Being, who never meets with any resistance;
to the mind in its command over its ideas
and limbs, in common thinking and motion,
where the effect follows immediately upon
the will, without any exertion or summoning
up of force; to inanimate matter, which is
not capable of this sentiment. Secondly,
This sentiment of an endeavour to overcome
resistance has no known connexion with any
event: What follows it, we know by experience;
but could not know it priori. It must, however,
be confessed, that the animal nisus, which
we experience, though it can afford no accurate
precise idea of power, enters very much into
that vulgar, inaccurate idea, which is formed
of it.
Footnote 13: (return) [Greek: theos apo maechanaes.]
Footnote 14: (return) Section XII.
Footnote 15: (return) I need not examine
at length the vis inertiae which is so much
talked of in the new philosophy, and which
is ascribed to matter. We find by experience,
that a body at rest or in motion continues
for ever in its present state, till put from
it by some new cause; and that a body impelled
takes as much motion from the impelling body
as it acquires itself. These are facts. When
we call this a vis inertiae, we only mark
these facts, without pretending to have any
idea of the inert power; in the same manner
as, when we talk of gravity, we mean certain
effects, without comprehending that active
power. It was never the meaning of Sir ISAAC
NEWTON to rob second causes of all force
or energy; though some of his followers have
endeavoured to establish that theory upon
his authority. On the contrary, that great
philosopher had recourse to an etherial active
fluid to explain his universal attraction;
though he was so cautious and modest as to
allow, that it was a mere hypothesis, not
to be insisted on, without more experiments.
I must confess, that there is something in
the fate of opinions a little extraordinary.
DES CARTES insinuated that doctrine of the
universal and sole efficacy of the Deity,
without insisting on it. MALEBRANCHE and
other CARTESIANS made it the foundation of
all their philosophy. It had, however, no
authority in England. LOCKE, CLARKE, and
CUDWORTH, never so much as take notice of
it, but suppose all along, that matter has
a real, though subordinate and derived power.
By what means has it become so prevalent
among our modern metaphysicians?
Footnote 16: (return) According to these
explications and definitions, the idea of
power is relative as much as that of cause;
and both have a reference to an effect, or
some other event constantly conjoined with
the former. When we consider the unknown
circumstance of an object, by which the degree
or quantity of its effect is fixed and determined,
we call that its power: And accordingly,
it is allowed by all philosophers, that the
effect is the measure of the power. But if
they had any idea of power, as it is in itself,
why could not they Measure it in itself?
The dispute whether the force of a body in
motion be as its velocity, or the square
of its velocity; this dispute, I say, need
not be decided by comparing its effects in
equal or unequal times; but by a direct mensuration
and comparison.
As to the frequent use of the words, Force,
Power, Energy, &c., which every where
occur in common conversation, as well as
in philosophy; that is no proof, that we
are acquainted, in any instance, with the
connecting principle between cause and effect,
or can account ultimately for the production
of one thing to another. These words, as
commonly used, have very loose meanings annexed
to them; and their ideas are very uncertain
and confused. No animal can put external
bodies in motion without the sentiment of
a nisus or endeavour; and every animal has
a sentiment or feeling from the stroke or
blow of an external object, that is in motion.
These sensations, which are merely animal,
and from which we can priori draw no inference,
we are apt to transfer to inanimate objects,
and to suppose, that they have some such
feelings, whenever they transfer or receive
motion. With regard to energies, which are
exerted, without our annexing to them any
idea of communicated motion, we consider
only the constant experienced conjunction
of the events; and as we feel a customary
connexion between the ideas, we transfer
that feeling to the objects; as nothing is
more usual than to apply to external bodies
every internal sensation, which they occasion.
Footnote 17: (return) The prevalence of the
doctrine of liberty may be accounted for,
from another cause, viz. a false sensation
or seeming experience which we have, or may
have, of liberty or indifference, in many
of our actions. The necessity of any action,
whether of matter or of mind, is not, properly
speaking, a quality in the agent, but in
any thinking or intelligent being, who may
consider the action; and it consists chiefly
in the determination of his thoughts to infer
the existence of that action from some preceding
objects; as liberty, when opposed to necessity,
is nothing but the want of that determination,
and a certain looseness or indifference,
which we feel, in passing, or not passing,
from the idea of one object to that of any
succeeding one. Now we may observe, that,
though, in reflecting on human actions, we
seldom feel such a looseness, or indifference,
but are commonly able to infer them with
considerable certainty from their motives,
and from the dispositions of the agent; yet
it frequently happens, that, in performing
the actions themselves, we are sensible of
something like it: And as all resembling
objects are readily taken for each other,
this has been employed as a demonstrative
and even intuitive proof of human liberty.
We feel, that our actions are subject to
our will, on most occasions; and imagine
we feel, that the will itself is subject
to nothing, because, when by a denial of
it we are provoked to try, we feel, that
it moves easily every way, and produces an
image of itself (or a Velleïty, as it is
called in the schools) even on that side,
on which it did not settle. This image, or
faint motion, we persuade ourselves, could,
at that time, have been compleated into the
thing itself; because, should that be denied,
we find, upon a second trial, that, at present,
it can. We consider not, that the fantastical
desire of shewing liberty, is here the motive
of our actions. And it seems certain, that,
however we may imagine we feel a liberty
within ourselves, a spectator can commonly
infer our actions from our motives and character;
and even where he cannot, he concludes in
general, that he might, were he perfectly
acquainted with every circumstance of our
situation and temper, and the most secret
springs of our complexion and disposition.
Now this is the very essence of necessity,
according to the foregoing doctrine.
Footnote 18: (return) Thus, if a cause be
defined, that which produces any thing; it
is easy to observe, that producing is synonymous
to causing. In like manner, if a cause be
defined, that by which any thing exists;
this is liable to the same objection. For
what is meant by these words, by which? Had
it been said, that a cause is that after
which any thing constantly exists; we should
have understood the terms. For this is, indeed,
all we know of the matter. And this constancy
forms the very essence of necessity, nor
have we any other idea of it.
Footnote 19: (return) Since all reasonings
concerning facts or causes is derived merely
from custom, it may be asked how it happens,
that men so much surpass animals in reasoning,
and one man so much surpasses another? Has
not the same custom the same influence on
all?
We shall here endeavour briefly to explain
the great difference in human understandings:
After which the reason of the difference
between men and animals will easily be comprehended.
1. When we have lived any time, and have
been accustomed to the uniformity of nature,
we acquire a general habit, by which we always
transfer the known to the unknown, and conceive
the latter to resemble the former. By means
of this general habitual principle, we regard
even one experiment as the foundation of
reasoning, and expect a similar event with
some degree of certainty, where the experiment
has been made accurately, and free from all
foreign circumstances. It is therefore considered
as a matter of great importance to observe
the consequences of things; and as one man
may very much surpass another in attention
and memory and observation, this will make
a very great difference in their reasoning.
2. Where there is a complication of causes
to produce any effect, one mind may be much
larger than another, and better able to comprehend
the whole system of objects, and to infer
justly their consequences.
3. One man is able to carry on a chain of
consequences to a greater length than another.
4. Few men can think long without running
into a confusion of ideas, and mistaking
one for another; and there are various degrees
of this infirmity.
5. The circumstance, on which the effect
depends, is frequently involved in other
circumstances, which are foreign and extrinsic.
The separation of it often requires great
attention, accuracy, and subtilty.
6. The forming of general maxims from particular
observation is a very nice operation; and
nothing is more usual, from haste or a narrowness
of mind, which sees not on all sides, than
to commit mistakes in this particular.
7. When we reason from analogies, the man,
who has the greater experience or the greater
promptitude of suggesting analogies, will
be the better reasoner.
8. Byasses from prejudice, education, passion,
party, &c. hang more upon one mind than
another.
9. After we have acquired a confidence in
human testimony, books and conversation enlarge
much more the sphere of one man's experience
and thought than those of another.
It would be easy to discover many other circumstances
that make a difference in the understandings
of men.
Footnote 20: (return) Plutarch, in vita Catonis.
Footnote 21: (return) No Indian, it is evident,
could have experience that water did not
freeze in cold climates. This is placing
nature in a situation quite unknown to him;
and it is impossible for him to tell a priori
what will result from it. It is making a
new experiment, the consequence of which
is always uncertain. One may sometimes conjecture
from analogy what will follow; but still
this is but conjecture. And it must be confessed,
that, in the present case of freezing, the
event follows contrary to the rules of analogy,
and is such as a rational Indian would not
look for. The operations of cold upon water
are not gradual, according to the degrees
of cold; but whenever it comes to the freezing
point, the water passes in a moment, from
the utmost liquidity to perfect hardness.
Such an event, therefore, may be denominated
extraordinary, and requires a pretty strong
testimony, to render it credible to people
in a warm climate: But still it is not miraculous,
nor contrary to uniform experience of the
course of nature in cases where all the circumstances
are the same. The inhabitants of Sumatra
have always seen water fluid in their own
climate, and the freezing of their rivers
ought to be deemed a prodigy: But they never
saw water in Muscovy during the winter; and
therefore they cannot reasonably be positive
what would there be the consequence.
Footnote 22: (return) Sometimes an event
may not, in itself, seem to be contrary to
the laws of nature, and yet, if it were real,
it might, by reason of some circumstances,
be denominated a miracle; because, in fact,
it is contrary to these laws. Thus if a person,
claiming a divine authority, should command
a sick person to be well, a healthful man
to fall down dead, the clouds to pour rain,
the winds to blow, in short, should order
many natural events, which immediately follow
upon his command; these might justly be esteemed
miracles, because they are really, in this
case, contrary to the laws of nature. For
if any suspicion remain, that the event and
command concurred by accident, there is no
miracle and no transgression of the laws
of nature. If this suspicion be removed,
there is evidently a miracle, and a transgression
of these laws; because nothing can be more
contrary to nature than that the voice or
command of a man should have such an influence.
A miracle may be accurately defined, a transgression
of a law of nature by a particular volition
of the Deity, or by the interposition of
some invisible agent. A miracle may either
be discoverable by men or not. This alters
not its nature and essence. The raising of
a house or ship into the air is a visible
miracle. The raising of a feather, when the
wind wants ever so little of a force requisite
for that purpose, is as real a miracle, though
not so sensible with regard to us.
Footnote 23: (return) Hist. lib. iv. cap.
81. Suetonius gives nearly the same account
in vita Vesp.
Footnote 24: (return) This book was writ
by Mons. Montgeron, counsellor or judge of
the parliament of Paris, a man of figure
and character, who was also a martyr to the
cause, and is now said to be somewhere in
a dungeon on account of his book.
There is another book in three volumes (called
Recueil des Miracles de l'Abb(c) Paris) giving
an account of many of these miracles, and
accompanied with prefatory discourses, which
are very well written. There runs, however,
through the whole of these a ridiculous comparison
between the miracles of our Saviour and those
of the Abbh(c); wherein it is asserted, that
the evidence for the latter is equal to that
for the former: As if the testimony of men
could ever be put in the balance with that
of God himself, who conducted the pen of
the inspired writers. If these writers, indeed,
were to be considered merely as human testimony,
the French author is very moderate in his
comparison; since he might, with some appearance
of reason, pretend, that the Jansenist miracles
much surpass the other in evidence and authority.
The following circumstances are drawn from
authentic papers, inserted in the above-mentioned
book.
Many of the miracles of Abb(c) Paris were
proved immediately by witnesses before the
officiality or bishop's court at Paris, under
the eye of cardinal Noailles, whose character
for integrity and capacity was never contested
even by his enemies.
His successor in the archbishopric was an
enemy to the Jansenists, and for that reason
promoted to the see by the court. Yet 22
rectors or curu(c)s of Paris, with infinite
earnestness, press him to examine those miracles,
which they assert to be known to the whole
world, and undisputably certain: But he wisely
forbore.
The Molinist party had tried to discredit
these miracles in one instance, that of Mademoiselle
le Franc. But, besides that their proceedings
were in many respects the most irregular
in the world, particularly in citing only
a few of the Jansenist witnesses, whom they
tampered with: Besides this, I say, they
soon found themselves overwhelmed by a cloud
of new witnesses, one hundred and twenty
in number, most of them persons of credit
and substance in Paris, who gave oath for
the miracle. This was accompanied with a
solemn and earnest appeal to the parliament.
But the parliament were forbidden by authority
to meddle in the affair. It was at last observed,
that where men are heated by zeal and enthusiasm,
there is no degree of human testimony so
strong as may not be procured for the greatest
absurdity: And those who will be so silly
as to examine the affair by that medium,
and seek particular flaws in the testimony,
are almost sure to be confounded. It must
be a miserable imposture, indeed, that does
not prevail in that contest.
All who have been in France about that time
have heard of the reputation of Mons. Heraut,
the lieutenant de Police, whose vigilance,
penetration, activity, and extensive intelligence
have been much talked of. This magistrate,
who by the nature of his office is almost
absolute, was vested with full powers, on
purpose to suppress or discredit these miracles;
and he frequently seized immediately, and
examined the witnesses and subjects of them:
But never could reach any thing satisfactory
against them.
In the case of Mademoiselle Thibaut he sent
the famous De Sylva to examine her; whose
evidence is very curious. The physician declares,
that it was impossible she could have been
so ill as was proved by witnesses; because
it was impossible she could, in so short
a time, have recovered so perfectly as he
found her. He reasoned, like a man of sense,
from natural causes; but the opposite party
told him, that the whole was a miracle, and
that his evidence was the very best proof
of it.
The Molinists were in a sad dilemma. They
durst not assert the absolute insufficiency
of human evidence, to prove a miracle. They
were obliged to say, that these miracles
were wrought by witchcraft and the devil.
But they were told, that this was the resource
of the Jews of old.
No Jansenist was ever embarrassed to account
for the cessation of the miracles, when the
church-yard was shut up by the king's edict.
It was the touch of the tomb, which produced
these extraordinary effects; and when no
one could approach the tomb, no effects could
be expected. God, indeed, could have thrown
down the walls in a moment; but he is master
of his own graces and works, and it belongs
not to us to account for them. He did not
throw down the walls of every city like those
of Jericho, on the sounding of the rams horns,
nor break up the prison of every apostle,
like that of St. Paul.
No less a man, than the Due de Chatillon,
a duke and peer of France, of the highest
rank and family, gives evidence of a miraculous
cure, performed upon a servant of his, who
had lived several years in his house with
a visible and palpable infirmity. I shall
conclude with observing, that no clergy are
more celebrated for strictness of life and
manners than the secular clergy of France,
particularly the rectors or cur(c)s of Paris,
who bear testimony to these impostures. The
learning, genius, and probity of the gentlemen,
and the austerity of the nuns of Port-Royal,
have been much celebrated all over Europe.
Yet they all give evidence for a miracle,
wrought on the niece of the famous Pascal,
whose sanctity of life, as well as extraordinary
capacity, is well known. The famous Racine
gives an account of this miracle in his famous
history of Port-Royal, and fortifies it with
all the proofs, which a multitude of nuns,
priests, physicians, and men of the world,
all of them of undoubted credit, could bestow
upon it. Several men of letters, particularly
the bishop of Tournay, thought this miracle
so certain, as to employ it in the refutation
of atheists and free-thinkers. The queen-regent
of France, who was extremely prejudiced against
the Port-Royal, sent her own physician to
examine the miracle, who returned an absolute
convert. In short, the supernatural cure
was so uncontestable, that it saved, for
a time, that famous monastery from the ruin
with which it was threatened by the Jesuits.
Had it been a cheat, it had certainly been
detected by such sagacious and powerful antagonists,
and must have hastened the ruin of the contrivers.
Our divines, who can build up a formidable
castle from such despicable materials; what
a prodigious fabric could they have reared
from these and many other circumstances,
which I have not mentioned! How often would
the great names of Pascal, Racine, Amaud,
Nicole, have resounded in our ears? But if
they be wise, they had better adopt the miracle,
as being more worth, a thousand times, than
all the rest of the collection. Besides,
it may serve very much to their purpose.
For that miracle was really performed by
the touch of an authentic holy prickle of
the holy thorn, which composed the holy crown,
which, &c.
Footnote 25: (return) Lucret.
Footnote 26: (return) Nov. Org. lib. ii.
aph. 29.
Footnote 27: (return) Luciani [Greek: symp.
ae Lapithai].
Footnote 28: (return) Luciani [Greek: eunouchos].
Footnote 29: (return) Luciani and Dio.
Footnote 30: (return) In general, it may,
I think, be established as a maxim, that
where any cause is known only by its particular
effects, it must be impossible to infer any
new effects from that cause; since the qualities,
which are requisite to produce these new
effects along with the former, must either
be different, or superior, or of more extensive
operation, than those which simply produced
the effect, whence alone the cause is supposed
to be known to us. We can never, therefore,
have any reason to suppose the existence
of these qualities. To say, that the new
effects proceed only from a continuation
of the same energy, which is already known
from the first effects, will not remove the
difficulty. For even granting this to be
the case (which can seldom be supposed),
the very continuation and exertion of a like
energy (for it is impossible it can be absolutely
the same), I say, this exertion of a like
energy, in a different period of space and
time, is a very arbitrary supposition, and
what there cannot possibly be any traces
of in the effects, from which all our knowledge
of the cause is originally derived. Let the
inferred cause be exactly proportioned (as
it should be) to the known effect; and it
is impossible that it can possess any qualities,
from which new or different effects can be
inferred.
Footnote 31: (return) This argument is drawn
from Dr. Berkeley; and indeed most of the
writings of that very ingenious author form
the best lessons of scepticism, which are
to be found either among the ancient or modern
philosopher, Bayle not excepted. He professes,
however, in his title-page (and undoubtedly
with great truth) to have composed his book
against the sceptics as well as against the
atheists and free-thinkers. But that all
his arguments, though otherwise intended,
are, in reality, merely sceptical, appears
from this, that they admit of no answer and
produce no conviction. Their only effect
is to cause that momentary amazement and
irresolution and confusion, which is the
result of scepticism.
Footnote 32: (return) Whatever disputes there
may be about mathematical points, we must
allow that there are physical points; that
is, parts of extension, which cannot be divided
or lessened, either by the eye or imagination.
These images, then, which are present to
the fancy or senses, are absolutely indivisible,
and consequently must be allowed by mathematicians
to be infinitely less than any real part
of extension; and yet nothing appears more
certain to reason, than that an infinite
number of them composes an infinite extension.
How much more an infinite number of those
infinitely small parts of extension, which
are still supposed infinitely divisible.
Footnote 33: (return) It seems to me not
impossible to avoid these absurdities and
contradictions, if it be admitted, that there
is no such thing as abstract or general ideas,
properly speaking; but that all general ideas
are, in reality, particular ones, attached
to a general term, which recalls, upon occasion,
other particular ones, that resemble, in
certain circumstances, the idea, present
to the mind. Thus when the term Horse is
pronounced, we immediately figure to ourselves
the idea of a black or a white animal, of
a particular size or figure: But as that
term is also usually applied to animals of
other colours, figures and sizes, these ideas,
though not actually present to the imagination,
are easily recalled; and our reasoning and
conclusion proceed in the same way, as if
they were actually present. If this be admitted
(as seems reasonable) it follows that all
the ideas of quantity, upon which mathematicians
reason, are nothing but particular, and such
as are suggested by the senses and imagination,
and consequently, cannot be infinitely divisible.
It is sufficient to have dropped this hint
at present, without prosecuting it any farther.
It certainly concerns all lovers of science
not to expose themselves to the ridicule
and contempt of the ignorant by their conclusions;
and this seems the readiest solution of these
difficulties.
Footnote 34: (return) That impious maxim
of the ancient philosophy, Ex nihilo, nihil
fit, by which the creation of matter was
excluded, ceases to be a maxim, according
to this philosophy. Not only the will of
the supreme Being may create matter; but,
for aught we know a priori, the will of any
other being might create it, or any other
cause, that the most whimsical imagination
can assign.
INDEX.
Abstraction
not source of ideas of primary qualities,
122. Academic
philosophy, 34. Action
and philosophy, 1, 4, 34, 128; Addition
4. Analogy
a species of, the foundation of all reasoning
about matter of fact, 82; Animals
the reason of, 83-85; learn from experience
and draw inferences, 83; which can only be
founded on custom, 84; cause of difference
between men and animals, 84 n. Antiquity
62. Appearances
to senses must be corrected by reason, 117.
A priori
25, 36 n, 89 n, 132, 132 n. Aristotle
4. Association
of ideas, three principles of, 18-19, 41-44
(v. Cause C). Atheism
116. Bacon
99. Belief
(v. Cause C, 39-45); and chance, 46. Berkeley
really a sceptic, 122 n. Bigotry
102. Body
and soul, mystery of union of, 52; volition
and movements of, 52.
Real existence of (v. Scepticism, B, 118-123).
Cause
first (v. God, Necessity, 78-81; Providence,
102-115, 132 n).
a principle of association of ideas, 19,
43; sole foundation of reasonings about matter
of fact or real existence, 22.
A. Knowledge of Causes arises from experience
not from Reason, 23-33.
Reasonings a priori give no knowledge of
cause and effect, 23 f.; impossible to see
the effect in the cause since they are totally
different, 25; natural philosophy never pretends
to assign ultimate causes, but only to reduce
causes to a few general causes, e. g. gravity,
26; geometry applies laws obtained by experience,
27.
Conclusions from experience not based on
any process of the understanding, 28; yet
we infer in the future a similar connexion
between known qualities of things and their
secret powers, to that which we assumed in
the past. On what is this inference based?
29; demonstrative reasoning has no place
here, and all experimental reasoning assumes
the resemblance of the future to the past,
and so cannot prove it without being circular,
30, 32; if reasoning were the basis of this
belief, there would be no need for the multiplication
of instances or of long experience, 31; yet
conclusions about matter of fact are affected
by experience even in beasts and children,
so that they cannot be founded on abstruse
reasoning, 33; to explain our inferences
from experience a principle is required of
equal weight and authority with reason, 34.
B. Custom enables us to infer existence of
one object from the appearance of another,
35-38.
Experience enables us to ascribe a more than
arbitrary connexion to objects, 35; we are
determined to this by custom or habit which
is the great guide of human life, 36; but
our inference must be based on some fact
present to the senses or memory, 37; the
customary conjunction between such an object
and some other object produces an operation
of the soul which is as unavoidable as love,
38; animals also infer one event from another
by custom, 82-84; and in man as in animals
experimental reasoning depends on a species
of instinct or mechanical power that acts
in us unknown to ourselves, 85.
C. Belief, 39-45. Belief differs from fiction
or the loose reveries of the fancy by some
feeling annexed to it, 39; belief cannot
be defined, but may be described as a more
lively, forcible, firm, steady conception
of an object than can be attained by the
imagination alone, 40; it is produced by
the principles of association, viz. resemblance,
41; contiguity, 42; causation, 43; by a kind
of pre-established harmony between the course
of nature and our ideas, 44; this operation
of our minds necessary to our subsistence
and so entrusted by nature to instinct rather
than to reasoning, 45.
Probability, 46-7.
Belief produced by a majority of chances
by an inexplicable contrivance of Nature,
46 (cf. 87-8); probability of causes: the
failure of a cause ascribed to a secret counteracting
cause, 47 (cf. 67); it is universally allowed
that chance when strictly examined is a mere
negative word, 74.
D. Power, 49-57.
Power, force, energy, necessary connexion
must either be defined by analysis or explained
by production of the impression from which
they are copied, 49; from the first appearance
of an object we cannot foretell its effect:
we cannot see the power of a single body:
we only see sequence, 50.
Is the idea of power derived from an internal
impression and is it an idea of reflection?
51; it is not derived, as Locke said, from
reasoning about power of production in nature,
50 n; nor from consciousness of influence
of will over bodily organs, 52; nor from
effort to overcome resistance, 52 n (cf.
60 n); nor from influence of will over mind,
53; many philosophers appeal to an invisible
intelligent principle, to a volition of the
supreme being, and regard causes as only
occasions and our mental conceptions as revelations,
54-5; thus diminishing the grandeur of God,
56; this theory too bold and beyond verification
by our faculties, and is no explanation,
57; vis inertiae, 57 n.
In single instances we only see sequence
of loose events which are conjoined and never
connected, 58; the idea of necessary connexion
only arises from a number of similar instances,
and the only difference between such a number
and a single instance is that the former
produces a habit of expecting the usual attendant,
59, 61. This customary transition is the
impression from which we form the idea of
necessary connexion.
E. Reasoning from effect to cause and conversely,
105-115 (v. Providence).
In arguing from effect to cause we must not
infer more qualities in the cause than are
required to produce the effect, nor reason
backwards from an inferred cause to new effects,
105-8; we can reason back from cause to new
effects in the case of human acts by analogy
which rests on previous knowledge, 111-2;
when the effect is entirely singular and
does not belong to any species we cannot
infer its cause at all, 115.
F. Definitions of Cause, 60 (cf. 74 n). Ceremonies
41. Chance
ignorance of causes, 46; has no existence,
74 (v. Cause B). Cicero
4. Circle
in reasoning, 30. Clarke
37 n. Colour
peculiarity of ideas of, 16. Contiguity
19, 42. Contradiction
the test of demonstration, 132. Contrariety
19 n. Contrary
of matter of fact always possible, 21, 132.
Creation
132 n. Criticism
132. Cudworth
57 n, 158 n. Custom
when strongest conceals itself, 24; an ultimate
principle of all conclusions from experience,
36, 127; and belief, 39-45; gives rise to
inferences of animals, 84. Definition
only applicable to complex ideas, 49; need
of, 131; of cause, 60. Demonstrative
opp. intuitive, 20; reasoning, 30; confined
to quantity and number, 131; impossible to
demonstrate a fact since no negation of a
fact can involve a contradiction, 132. Descartes
57 n.; his universal doubt antecedent to
study if strictly taken is incurable, since
even from an indubitable first principle
no advance can be made except by the faculties
which we doubt, 116; his appeal to the veracity
of God is useless, 120 (v. Scepticism, 116-132).
Design
argument from, 105 f. (v. Providence). Divisibility
of mathematical and physical points, 124.
Doubt
Cartesian, 116, 120 (v. Scepticism A). Epictetus
34. Epicurean
philosophy, defence of, 102-15; denial of
providence and future state is harmless,
104 (v. Providence). Euclid
truths in, do not depend on existence of
circles or triangles, 20. Evidence
moral and natural, 70; value of human, 82-9
(v. Miracles). Evil
doctrine of necessity either makes God the
cause of evil or denies existence of evil
as regards the whole, 78-81. Existence
external and perception, 118-9 (v. Scepticism,
B, 116-32). Ex nihilo nihil
132 n. Experience
(v. Cause A, 23-33); opposition of reason
and experience usual, but really erroneous
and superficial, 36 n.
Infallible, may be regarded as proof, 87
(v. Miracles); all the philosophy and religion
in the world cannot carry us beyond the usual
course of experience, 113. Extension
50; a supposed primary quality, 122. Faith
101, 132. Fiction
and fact (v. Cause C), 39 f. Future
inference to, from past, 29 (v. Cause A).
General
ideas, do not really exist, but only particular
ideas attached to a general term, 125 n.
Geography
mental, 8. Geometry
propositions of certain, as depending only
on relations of ideas not on existence of
objects, 20; gives no knowledge of ultimate
causes: only applies laws discovered by experience,
27. God
idea of, 14; no idea of except what we learn
from reflection on our own faculties, 57;
theory that God is cause of all motion and
thought, causes being only occasions of his
volition, 54-57; by doctrine of necessity
either there are no bad actions or God is
the cause of evil, 78-81.
Veracity of, appealed to, 120.
And creation of matter, 132 n.
v. Providence, 102-115; Scepticism, 116-132.
Golden
age, 107. Gravity
26. Habit
(v. Custom, Cause B). History
use of, 65. Human
nature, inconstancy a constant character
of, 68. Ideas
A. Origin of, 11-17.
Perceptions divided into impressions and
ideas, 11-12; the mind can only compound
the materials derived from outward or inward
sentiment, 13 (cf. 53); all ideas resolvable
into simple ideas copied from precedent feelings,
14; deficiency in an organ of sensation produces
deficiency in corresponding idea, 15-16;
suspected ideas to be tested by asking for
the impression from which it is derived,
17 (cf. 49); idea of reflection, 51; general
ideas, 135 n; innate ideas, 19 n; power of
will over ideas, 53.
B. Association of, 18-19.
Ideas introduce each other with a certain
degree of method and regularity, 18; only
three principles of association, viz. Resemblance,
Contiguity, and Cause or Effect, 19; contrariety,
19 n; production of belief by these principles,
41-43.
C. Correspondence of ideas and course of
nature, 44; relations of ideas one of two
possible objects of enquiry, 20; such relations
discoverable by the mere operation of thought,
20, 131; no demonstration possible except
in case of ideas of quantity or number, 131.
Imagination
11, 39; and belief, 40. Impressions
all our more lively perceptions, 12; the
test of ideas, 17, 49. Incest
peculiar turpitude of explained, 12. Inconceivability
of the negative, 132 (cf. 20). Inertia
57 n. Inference
and similarity, 30, 115 (v. Cause). Infinite
divisibility, 124 f. Instances
multiplication of not required by reason,
31. Instinct
more trustworthy than reasoning, 45; the
basis of all experimental reasoning, 85;
the basis of realism, 118, 121. Intuitive
opp. mediate reasoning, 2. La Bruyere
4. Liberty
(v. Necessity, 62-97). Definition of hypothetical
liberty, 73. Necessary to morality, 77. Locke
4, 40 n, 50 n, 57 n. His loose use of 'ideas,'
19 n; betrayed into frivolous disputes about
innate ideas by the School-men, 19 n; distinction
of primary and secondary qualities, 122.
Malebranche
4, 57 n.. Man
a reasonable and active being, 4. Marriage
rules of, based on and vary with utility,
118. Mathematics
ideas of, clear and determinate, hence their
superiority to moral and metaphysical sciences,
48; their difficulty, 48.
Mathematical and physical points, 124 n.
Matter
necessity of, 64; creation of, 132 n (v.
Scepticism A). Matter-of-fact
contrary of, always possible, 21; arguments
to new, based only on cause and effect, 22.
Metaphysics
not a science, 5-6; how inferior and superior
to mathematics, 48. Mind
mental geography, 8; secret springs and principles
of, 9; can only mix and compound materials
given by inward and outward sentiment, 13;
power of will over, 53. Miracles.
86-101.
Belief in human evidence diminishes according
as the event witnessed is unusual or extraordinary,
89; difference between extraordinary and
miraculous, 89 n; if the evidence for a miracle
amounted to proof we should have one proof
opposed by another proof, for the proof against
a miracle is as complete as possible; an
event is not miraculous unless there is a
uniform experience, that is a proof, against
it, 90; definition of miracle, 90 n; hence
no testimony is sufficient to establish a
miracle unless its falsehood would be more
miraculous than the event it establishes,
91; as a fact the evidence for a miracle
has never amounted to proof, 92; the passion
for the wonderful in human nature, 93; prevalence
of miracles in savage and early periods and
their diminution with civilization, 94; the
evidence for miracles in matters of religion
opposed by the almost infinite number of
witnesses for rival religions, 95; value
of human testimony diminished by temptation
to pose as a prophet or apostle, 97; no testimony
for a miracle has ever amounted to a probability,
much less to a proof, and if it did amount
to a proof it would be opposed by another
perfect proof,
98; so a miracle can never be proved so as
to be the foundation of a system of religion,
99; a conclusion which confounds those who
base the Christian religion on reason, not
on faith, 100; the Christian religion cannot
be believed without a miracle which will
subvert the principle of a man's understanding
and give him a determination to believe what
is most contrary to custom and experience,
101. Moral
evil (q. v.) 80. Moral science
30; inferior to mathematics, 48; sceptical
objections to, 126-7.
Moral evidence easily combined with natural,
70. Motion
50. Nature
design in, 105 f. (v. Providence), and the
course of our ideas, 44.
State of, a philosophical fiction, 151, 151
n. Necessary
connexion (v. Cause). Necessity
two definitions of, 75.
A. and Liberty, 62-81; the controversy is
based on ambiguity, and all mankind have
always been of the same opinion on this subject,
63; our idea of the necessity of matter arises
solely from observed uniformity and consequent
inference, circumstances which are allowed
by all men to exist in respect of human action,
64; history and knowledge of human nature
assume such uniformity, 65, which does not
exclude variety due to education and progress,
66; irregular actions to be explained by
secret operation of contrary causes, 67;
the inconstancy of human action, its constant
character, as of winds and weather, 68; we
all acknowledge and draw inferences from
the regular conjunction of motives and actions,
69; history, politics, and morals show this,
and the possibility of combining moral and
natural evidence shows that they have a common
origin, 70; the reluctance to acknowledge
the necessity of actions due to a lingering
belief that we can see real connexion behind
mere conjunction, 71; we should begin with
the examination not of the soul and will
but of brute matter, 72; the prevalence of
the liberty doctrine due to a false sensation
of liberty and a false experiment, 72 n;
though this question is the most contentious
of all, mankind has always agreed in the
doctrine of liberty, if we mean by it that
hypothetical liberty which consists in a
power of acting or not acting according to
the determinations of our will, and which
can be ascribed to every one who is not a
prisoner, 73; liberty when opposed to necessity,
and not merely to constraint, is the same
as chance, 74.
B. Both necessity and liberty are necessary
to morality, this doctrine of necessity only
alters our view of matter and so is at least
innocent, 75; rewards and punishments imply
the uniform influence of motives, and connexion
of character and action: if necessity be
denied, a man may commit any crime and be
no worse for it, 76; liberty also essential
to morality, 77.
Objection that doctrine of necessity and
of a regular chain of causes either makes
God the cause of evil, or abolishes evil
in actions, 78; Stoic answer, that the whole
system is good, is specious but ineffectual
in practice, 79; no speculative argument
can counteract the impulse of our natural
sentiments to blame certain actions, 80;
how God can be the cause of all actions without
being the author of moral evil is a mystery
with which philosophy cannot deal, 81. Negative
inconceivability of, 132. Newton
57 n. Nisus
52 n, 60 n. Number
the object of demonstration, 131. Occasional
causes
theory of, 55. Parallelism
between thought and course of nature, 44-5.
Perception
and external objects, 119 f. (v. Scepticism,
Impression, Idea). Philosophy
moral, two branches of, abstruse and practical,
1-5; gratifies innocent curiosity, 6; metaphysics
tries to deal with matters inaccessible to
human understanding, 6.
True, must lay down limits of understanding,
7 (cf. 113); a large part of, consists in
mental geography, 8; may hope to resolve
principles of mind into still more general
principles, 9.
Natural, only staves off our ignorance a
little longer, as moral or metaphysical philosophy
serves only to discover larger portions of
it, 26; academical, or sceptical, flatters
no bias or passion except love of truth,
and so has few partisans, 34; though it destroy
speculation, cannot destroy action, for nature
steps in and asserts her rights, 34; moral,
inferior to mathematics in clearness of ideas,
superior in shortness of arguments, 48.
Controversies in, due to ambiguity of terms,
62.
Disputes in, not be settled by appeal to
dangerous consequences of a doctrine, 75.
Speculative, entirely indifferent to the
peace of society and security of government,
104 (cf. 114).
All the philosophy in the world, and all
the religion in the world, which is nothing
but a species of philosophy, can never carry
us beyond the usual course of experience,
113.
Happiness of, to have originated in an age
and country of freedom and toleration, 102.
Points
physical, indivisible, 124 n. Power
50 f, 60 n. (v. Cause D). Probability
46 f. (v. Cause, B). Probable
arguments, 38, 46 n. Production
50 n. Promises
not the foundation of justice, 257. Proof
46 n, 86-101 (v. Miracles, Demonstrative).
Providence
102-115 (v. God).
The sole argument for a divine existence
is from the marks of design in nature; must
not infer greater power in the cause than
is necessary to produce the observed effects,
nor argue from such an inferred cause to
any new effects which have not been observed,
105; so must not infer in God more power,
wisdom, and benevolence than appears in nature,
106; so it is unnecessary to try and save
the honour of the Gods by assuming the intractability
of matter or the observance of general laws,
107; to argue from effects to unknown causes,
and then from these causes to unknown effects,
is a gross sophism, 108.
From imperfect exercise of justice in this
world we cannot infer its perfect exercise
in a future world, 109; we must regulate
our conduct solely by the experienced train
of events, 110; in case of human works of
art we can infer the perfect from the imperfect,
but that is because we know man by experience
and also know other instances of his art,
111-112; but in the case of God we only know
him by his productions, and do not know any
class of beings to which he belongs, 113;
and the universe, his production, is entirely
singular and does not belong to a known species
of things, 115. Punishment
requires doctrines of necessity and liberty,
76 (v. Necessity). Pyrrhonism
126. Qualities
primary and secondary, 122. Quantity
and number, the only objects of demonstration,
the parts of them being entirely similar,
131. Real
presence, 86. Reality
and thought, 44. Realism
of the vulgar, 118. Reason
(a) opp. intuition, 29; opp. experience,
28, 36 n.
(b) Corrects sympathy and senses, 117. No
match for nature, 34.
Fallacious, compared with instinct, 45.
Of men and animals, 84 n.
(c) attempts to destroy, by reasoning, 124;
objections to abstract reasoning, 124 f.
(v. Scepticism).
(d) Reasoning.
Two kinds of, demonstrative and moral, 30,
46 n, 132; moral, divided into general and
particular, 132; produces demonstrations,
proofs, and probabilities, 46 n.
Probable (v. Cause, 28-32). Relations
of ideas, discoverable by the mere operation
of thought, independently of the existence
of any object, 20. Religion
a kind of philosophy, 113 (v. Miracles, Providence).
Resemblance
19, 41 (v. Similarity). Resistance
and idea of power, 53 n. Scepticism
A. antecedent to study and philosophy, such
as Descartes' universal doubt of our faculties,
would be incurable: in a more moderate sense
it is useful, 116 (cf.
129-30); extravagant attempts of, to destroy
reason by reasoning, 124.
No such absurd creature as a man who has
no opinion about anything at all, 116; admits
of no answer and produces no conviction,
122 n. (cf. 34, 126, 128).
B. As to the Senses, 117-123.
The ordinary criticisms of our senses only
show that they have to be corrected by Reason,
117; more profound arguments show that the
vulgar belief in external objects is baseless,
and that the objects we see are nothing but
perceptions which are fleeting copies of
other existences, 118; even this philosophy
is hard to justify; it appeals neither to
natural instinct, nor to experience, for
experience tells nothing of objects which
perceptions resemble,
119; the appeal to the veracity of God is
useless, 120; and scepticism is here triumphant,
121.
The distinction between primary and secondary
qualities is useless, for the supposed primary
qualities are only perceptions, 122; and
Berkeley's theory that ideas of primary qualities
are obtained by abstraction is impossible,
122, 122 n; if matter is deprived of both
primary and secondary qualities there is
nothing left except a mere something which
is not worth arguing about, 123.
C. As to Reason, 124-130.
Attempt to destroy Reason by reasoning extravagant,
124; objection to abstract reasoning because
it asserts infinite divisibility of extension
which is shocking to common sense, 124, and
infinite divisibility of time, 125; yet the
ideas attacked are so clear and distinct
that scepticism becomes sceptical about itself,
125.
Popular objections to moral reasoning about
matter of fact, based on weakness of understanding,
variation of judgement, and disagreement
among men, confuted by action, 126; philosophical
objections, that we only experience conjunction
and that inference is based on custom, 127;
excessive scepticism refuted by its uselessness
and put to flight by the most trivial event
in life, 128.
Mitigated scepticism or academical philosophy
useful as a corrective and as producing caution
and modesty, 129; and as limiting understanding
to proper objects, 130; all reasoning which
is not either abstract, about quantity and
number, or experimental, about matters of
fact, is sophistry and illusion, 132.
D, In Religion (v. Miracles, Providence).
Sciences
132 (v. Reason, (d); Scepticism, C). Secret
powers, 39; counteracting causes, 47, 67.
Senses
outward and inward sensation supplies all
the materials of thinking--must be corrected
by reason, 117.
Scepticism concerning, 117 (v. Scepticism,
B). Similarity
basis of all arguments from experience, 31
(cf. 115). Solidity
50; a supposed primary quality, 122. Soul
and body, 52. Space
and time, 124 f. Species
an effect which belongs to no species does
not admit of inference to its cause, 115
(cf. 113). Stoics
34, 79. Superstition
6 (v. Providence). Theology
science of, 132 (v. God, Providence). Tillotson
argument against real presence, 86. Time
and space, 124 f. Truth
8, 17 (v. Scepticism). Understanding
limits of human, 7; operations of, to be
classified, 8; opp. experience, 28; weakness
of, 126 (v. Reason, Scepticism). Voluntariness
as ground of distinction between virtues
and talents, 130. Whole
theory that everything is good as regards
'the whole,' 79 80. Will
compounds materials given by senses, 13;
influence of over organs of body can never
give us the idea of power; for we are not
conscious of any power in our will, only
of sequence of motions on will, 52; so with
power of will over our minds in raising up
new ideas, 53.
Of God, cannot be used to explain motion,
57.
Freedom of (v. Necessity).
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